DRESSMAKING  AS   A   TRADE    FOR 
WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS 


MAY  ALLINSON,  A.  M 


SUBMITTED    IN    PARTIAL    FULFILMENT    OF    THE    REQUIREMENTS 

FOR    THE    DEGREE    OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

IN  THE 

FACULTY  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


NEW  YORK 
1916 


EXCHANGE 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A   TRADE   FOR 
WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS 


BY 

MAY  ALLINSON,  A.  M. 


SUBMITTED    IN    PARTIAL    FULFILMENT    OF    THE    REQUIREMENTS 

FOR    THE    DEGREE    OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

IN  THE 

FACULTY  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


NEW  YORK 
1916 


U.  S.  DEPARTMENT  OF  LABOR 
BUREAU   OF  LABOR   STATISTICS 

ROYAL  MEEKER,  Commissioner 


BULLETIN  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES)  (WHOLE 

BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS)  (NUMBER 

WOMEN        IN        INDUSTRY        SERIES:        NO.       9 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR 
WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS 

MAY  ALLINSON,  Ph.  D. 


SEPTEMBER,   1916 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
1916 


ADDITIONAL  COPIES 

OF  THIS  PUBLICATION  MAY  BE  PROCURED  FROM 

THE  SUPERINTENDENT  OF  DOCUMENTS 

GQVIXNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

AT 

20  CENTS  PER  COPY 
V 


';'-.    •*     : 
:    :.'.    .•    '...*.-. 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Introduction 5-9 

Chapter  I. — Evolution  of  the  trade  in  the  United  States 11-21 

Chapter  II. — The  dressmaking  trade  of  to-day 23-52 

1.  The  family  dressmaker 29 

2.  The  journeyman  dressmaker 29,  30 

-3.  The  private  dressmaker 31-33 

4.  The  dressmaker  of  the  transition  stage 33-37 

5.  The  dressmaker  of  the  shop  of  specialized  workers 37-42 

6.  The  commercial  dressmaker 42-49 

7.  The  manufacturing  dressmaker 49-52 

Chapter  III . — Industrial  conditions  in  the  trade .  < 53-81 

Business  administration 53,  54 

The  problem  of  capital. 54-61 

The  problem  of  competition 61-64 

The  labor  force 64-81 

Chapter  IV. — Irregularity  of  employment 83-111 

The  seasons 83-93 

The  workers'  season 93-106 

Instability  of  the  labor  force 106-1H 

Chapter  V. — Overtime  in  the  dressmaking  trade 113-126 

Chapter  VI. — Wages  and  earnings  in  Boston 127-146 

Chapter  VII.— Teaching  the  trade 147-159 

Chapter  VIII.— Summary  and  outlook 161-165 

Bibliography 167-175 

3 


345067 


This  study  was  begun  in  the  fall  of  1909  by  the 
author  as  a  fellow  in  the  Department  of  Research  of 
the  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union  of 
Boston  in  cooperation  with  the  Boston  Trade  School 
for  Girls  and  was  completed  by  her  while  assistant 
and  associate  director  of  the  department.  It  has  been 
accepted  as  a  thesis  by  the  faculty  of  political  science 
of  Columbia  University  in  partial  fulfillment  of  the 
requirements  for  the  degree  of  doctor  of  philosophy. 
The  work  was  done  under  the  general  direction  of 
Dr.  Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  director  of  the  Department 
of  Research. 


BULLETIN  OF  THE 
U.  S.  BUREAU  OF  LABOR  STATISTICS. 

WHOLE  NO.  193.  WASHINGTON.  SEPTEMBER,  i9ie. 

DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN 
IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

BY  MAY   ALLINSON,  PH.  D. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The  occupation  of  dressmaker  ranked  third  in  the  United  States  in 
1900  in  the  number  of  women  employed,  338,144  women  16  years  of 
age  and  over  being  engaged  in  it.1  Only  two  occupations — that  of 
servant  and  waitress  and  that  of  agricultural  laborer — surpassed  it  in 
the  number  of  women  employed,  but  in  none  did  women  form  a  larger 
proportion  of  the  total  employees.  Because  of  the  numbers  the  trade 
employs,  because  it  is  woman's  traditional  occupation,  and  because  it 
provides  opportunities  for  development,  training  for  the  dressmaking 
trade  has  held  a  large  and  a  logical  place  in  the  curriculum  of  voca- 
tional schools  for  girls.  The  growth  of  the  movement  for  industrial 
education  and  for  vocational  guidance  has  called  for  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  various  industries.  Especially  is  this  important  in 
the  case  of  those  trades  which  have  been  recognized  as  in  some  degree 
desirable,  and  for  which  the  trade  schools  have  attempted  to  prepare 
young  workers.  Almost  two-thirds  (62  per  cent)  of  the  girls  who 
went  out  from  the  three  Massachusetts  trade  schools  in  1914  had  been 
trained  for  the  dressmaking  trade. 

Dressmaking  is  a  difficult  trade  subject  for  the  casual  and  superfi- 
cial observer  to  grasp,  because  of  the  variety  of  types  of  shops  and 
methods  of  production  which  it  presents.  Dressmakers  who  go  out 
by  the  day,  small  shops,  large  shops,  factories  of  various  types,  give 
the  superficial  impression  that  every  shop  is  different.  Primitive  and 
highly  developed  systems  exist  side  by  side,  yet  careful  study  shows 
that  all  may  be  classified  within  some  six  groups,  each  having  a  char- 
acteristic method  of  production.  The  student  of  census  figures  may 
be  convinced  that  custom  dressmaking  is  a  declining  trade  and  ques- 
tion if  educators  are  justified  in  training  young  workers  for  this  occu- 
pation. But  in  the  development  and  growth  of  the  large  shop  and 
the  opportunity  open  to  the  day  worker  in  the  home,  the  investigator 

i  Special  Reports  of  the  Census  Office,  1900.  Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  70.  A  total  of  344,794 
women  was  reported  for  1900  and  343.161  for  1910.  See  Thirteenth  Census  of  United  States,  1910.  Occupa- 
tion Statistics,  p.  56. 

5 


.vV    OF    THE    BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

discovers  tendencies  not  shown  by  the  census,  since  it  has  abandoned 
statistics  of  the  hand  trades. 

The  seasonal  fluctuations  of  dressmaking  and  the  consequent  irreg- 
ularity of  employment  have  been  causes  for  worry  and  doubt  to  those 
intrusted  with  the  direction  of  the  young  prospective  worker.  If, 
however,  we  study  the  returns  of  the  United  States  census,  we  are 
able  to  find  practically  no  industries  which  do  not  have  slack  seasons 
and  times  of  pressure.  Again,  some  of  those  trades  which  offer  the 
greatest  prospects  are  the  most  seasonal  trades.  Custom  dressmaking 
and  millinery,  the  most  seasonal  of  all  trades,  show  opportunities  for 
self -development  and  financial  advancement  discovered  in  few  other 
industries  open  to  the  woman  of  limited  education.  The  question  is 
not,  then,  " Should  girls  avoid  or  should  they  go  into  these  trades?" 
but  rather,  "How  can  those  features  which  complicate  and  hinder 
opportunity  for  advancement  be  met  or  eliminated  ? ' ' 

i;It  is  impracticable  to  stop  the  fluctuations  in  demand,'7  wrote 
the  Webbs  in  1911.  "But  here,  also,  it  is  not  necessary  that  the 
fluctuations  should  be  permitted  to  work  havoc  with  the  workers' 
lives.  *  *  *  Though  there  is  a  slack  season  in  nearly  all  trades, 
this  occurs  at  different  parts  of  the  year.  *  *  *  The  seasona 
alternations  of  overpressure  and  slackness  to  which  so  many  workers 
are  subjected,  with  such  evil  results,  are  due  only  to  failures  of  adjust- 
ment. Now,  it  is  not  suggested  that  there  is  any  way  by  which  the 
local  and  temporary  supply  of  each  particular  kind  of  labor  can  be 
precisely  adjusted  to  the  local  and  temporary  demand  for  it.  But  it 
is  clear  that  if  only  we  put  a  little  more  deliberate  organization  into 
the  matter  a  great  deal  could  be  done  to  avert  the  worst  of  the 
calamities.'7  * 

Comparison  with  other  industries  shows  that,  whatever  may  be  its 
disadvantages,  and  though  undergoing  a  marked  decline,  dress- 
making still  remains  one  of  the  desirable  occupations  for  women  in 
the  industrial  world. 

A  conference  interested  in  the  promotion  of  industrial  education 
has  defined  a  skilled  occupation  as  one  which  meets  three  conditions : 
(1)  Provision  of  a  living  wage  for  the  worker;  (2)  a  content  which 
offers  the  possibility  of  differences  in  the  quality  of  work  turned 
out;  (3)  provision  for  promotion,  through  a  series  of  progressive 
steps  in  the  industry  leading  to  something  better.2  Dressmaking 
meets  these  tests  fairly  well.  While  no  woman-employing  indus- 
try has  been  discovered  in  which  the  majority  of  workers  earn 
a  living  wage,  dressmaking  ranks  among  the  best  in  this  respect. 
Since  the  fundamental  and  underlying  principle  of  women's  dress  is 
variety,  the  dressmaking  trade  is  one  of  the  least  standardized  in 

i  The  Prevention  of  Destitution,  by  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb.    London,  1911,  p.  126. 
The  Survey,  Vol.  XXXI,  No.  17  (1914),  p.  496. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  7 

process  and  product.  Opportunity  for  promotion  is  unique  in  a  cus- 
tom trade  where  originality  of  thought  and  of  design  and  artistic  sense 
determine  its  very  existence.  Naturally  few  possess  these  qualities, 
which  are  not  common  to  the  masses,  but  increased  opportunities  for 
training  would  doubtless  enable  more  to  develop  latent  possibilities 
and  to  bridge  the  gap  from  the  manual  skilled  processes  to  those 
requiring  artistic  ability. 

Dressmaking  is  distinctly  a  domestic  trade,  only  recently  dis- 
turbed and  stimulated  by  the  modern  industrial  system.  Thus, 
while  geographically  a  universal  occupation,  its  greatest  develop- 
ment and  largest  opportunities  appear  only  in  large  centers  where 
the  social  and  economic  demand  necessitates  large  scale  develop- 
ment and  business  efficiency.  Since  the  personnel  is  primarily 
feminine  and  the  trade  but  recently  emerging  from  its  primitive 
domestic  character,  there  is  little  development  in  business  admin- 
istration, practically  no  organization  or  community  of  action  on 
the  part  of  either  the  employers  or  workers  for  the  protection  of 
their  particular  interests,  and  but  little  official  regulation  or  super- 
vision. 

Because  of  its  tardy  industrial  development,  custom  dressmaking 
has  received  little  attention  from  economists  and  statisticians.  The 
standpoint  of  the  former  is  expressed  by  Miss  Abbott:  " Although 
the  ' sewing  trades7  are  too  important  numerically  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  employment  of  women  to  be  entirely  neglected,  then-  his- 
tory can  be  given  here  only  in  outline  *  *  *  partly  because  of  the 
fact  that  the  employment  of  women  in  the  making,  of  clothing  is  less 
interesting  than  in  the  other  industries  which  have  been  discussed. 
Sewing,  needlework  of  any  kind  except,  perhaps,  the  making  of 
men's  garments,  has  always  been  regarded  as  within  women's 
'peculiar  sphere,'  and  the  point  of  interest  is,  therefore,  not  that 
so  many  women  are  employed  in  the  sewing  trade,  but  that  so 
many  men  have  come  into  the  industry  as  their  competitors."  1 

The  United  States  Census  Office,  after  several  attempts  to  secure 
statistics  for  the  hand  trades,  abandoned  the  attempt  "in  view  of  the 
demonstrated  inaccuracy  of  a  hand-trade  census  and  the  impossibility 
of  making  it  otherwise  than  inaccurate."  2  The  census  of  occupa- 
tions, made  by  the  United  States  every  ten  years  and  that  made  by 
the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics  everyintervening  five  years, 
give  some  statistics  relative  to  numbers,  nativity,  and  age  secured 
in  the  population  census. 

From  the  industrial  standpoint,  no  official  statistics  relative  to 
numbers  employed,  seasons,  and  wages  have  been  given  since  1900, 
nor  are  they  to  be  given  in  future  censuses.  Such  statistics,  when 

i  Women  in  Industry,  by  Edith  Abbott,  p.  215. 

»  United  States  Census,  1900.    Manufactures,  Vol.  I,  p.  xl. 


8  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

given,  are  inadequate  for  such  an  intimate  acquaintance  as  is  essen- 
tial to  the  vocational  educator  or  the  placement  agent.  Those  in 
charge  of  the  direction  of  workers  and  prospective  workers  must 
know  types  of  shops,  method  of  production  in  each,  processes  avail- 
able to  young  workers  of  limited  experience,  opportunities  for  ad- 
vancement, the  wages  in  relation  to  training  and  length  of  experi- 
ence, types  of  girls  who  can  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities 
offered,  the  time  of  employment,  length  of  working  season  as  affected 
by  experience  and  skill,  conditions  in  the  trade  which  explain  the 
instability  of  labor  or  give  suggestions  for  lessening  it,  and  the  trend 
of  the  industry  itself. 

This  investigation  was  begun  in  the  fall  of  1909  by  the  writer  as  a 
fellow  in  the  department  of  research  of  the  Women's  Educational 
and  Industrial  Union  of  Boston  in  cooperation  with  the  Boston 
Trade  School  for  Girls.  The  investigator  agreed  to  visit  all  graduates 
of  the  dressmaking  course  who  were  in  the  trade,  for  information 
concerning  their  trade  career  and  for  suggestions  which  might  be 
helpful  to  the  school  in  formulating  its  program.  Eighty-four  were 
discovered  and  visited  who  had  been  graduated  before  the  fall  of 
1909.  In  all,  200  women  workers  and  100  employers  of  various 
types  were  interviewed  in  Boston  concerning  processes  of  the  trade, 
means  of  learning  these  processes,  the  various  occupations,  requisite 
qualifications,  length  of  time  necessary  to  acquire  these,  the  wage 
paid  for  the  various  kinds  of  work,  the  seasons  and  their  significance 
to  the  different  types  of  workers;  in  addition,  the  means  and  oppor- 
tunity for  supplementing  their  primary  trade,  and  the  home  condi- 
tions and  responsibilities  of  the  workers  were  also  considered.  In 
1910  a  study  was  made  by  the  department  of  research  for  the  Mas- 
sachusetts State  Board  of  Education  of  the  "  Industrial  opportuni- 
ties in  Worcester,  Cambridge,  and  Somerville,"  and  statistics 
collected  during  the  study  of  the  dressmaking  shops  in  these  cities 
were  incorporated  in  this  report. 

In  1911  Miss  Jennie  Clement,  a  Simmons  student  who  lived  in 
Lowell,  volunteered  to  make  a  survey  of  the  trade  in  that  city  under 
the  direction  of  the  writer,  and  these  returns  also  were  incorporated 
in  this  report.  Because  the  city  directory  and  statistics  of  occupa- 
tion massed  together  without  distinction  dressmakers  of  every 
degree  of  skill,  shop,  factory,  and  home  workers,  and  employers  and 
employees,  an  attempt  was  made  to  secure  a  general  survey  of  each 
city  as  a  whole  and  to  determine  the  opportunities  open  to  the 
worker  who  has  learned  her  trade  and  proposes  to  follow  it  seriously. 
The  results  are  reported  in  the  following  chapters. 

After  all  this  information  was  collected  it  was  felt  that  the  data 
concerning  wages,  actual  earnings,  and  seasons  were  inadequate, 
and  that  to  obtain  satisfactory  information  on  these  subjects  pay 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  9 

rolls  must  be  studied.  The  investigator  explained  the  situation 
to  employers,  and  pay  rolls  were  secured  from  14  custom  shops  of 
varied  types,  covering  735  workers,  and  from  two  dressmaking  fac- 
tories, covering  522  workers.  These  were  the  only  factories  turning 
out  a  product  comparable  to  that  of  the  custom  shops.  While  the 
information  thus  secured  concerning  seasons  agreed  to  a  surprising 
degree  with  the  returns  of  the  United  States  census  in  1900,  the 
wage  statistics  secured  were  unique  and  original,  and  made  it  pos- 
sible for  the  first  time  to  know  the  actual  wage  possibilities  of  a  large 
number  of  workers  hi  this  trade.  Some  totally  unexpected  statistics 
relative  to  overtime,  instability  of  labor,  and  the  significance  to  the 
small  employer  of  small  capital  and  long  credit  also  threw  light  on 
some  of  the  most  important  problems  of  the  trade. 

The  information  gathered  has  been  presented  in  considerable  de- 
tail, with  the  hope  that  the  statistical  information  gathered  for  the 
first  and  only  tune  in  this  trade  might  be  of  service  to  employers, 
workers,  educators,  placement  agents,  and  customers,  all  of  whom 
may  through  increased  knowledge  do  their  share  toward  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problems  presented. 


CHAPTER  L 

EVOLUTION  OF  THE  TRADE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  women's  clothing  trade  is  unique  among  the  industries  of  the 
twentieth  century  in  its  resistance  to  monopoly  of  wholesale  manu- 
facture, and  is  one  of  the  few  present-day  industries  which  shows  all 
stages  of  industrial  evolution  from  a  simple  to  a  highly  industrialized 
system  existing  side  by  side.  Woman's  insistence  on  individuality 
of  style  on  the  one  side,  and  the  large  place  occupied  by  women  as 
producers  on  the  other,  have  hindered  and  delayed  large  scale  pro- 
duction, but  the  opening  of  the  twentieth  century  shows  that  even 
this  industry  is  being  caught  up  in  the  current  of  centralized  and 
large  scale  manufacturing.  Still  the  five  stages  of  chronological 
evolution  observed  in  industry  as  a  whole  can  be  traced  in  the  growth 
of  an  occasional  small  dressmaking  shop  of  a  couple  of  decades  past 
into  a  great  commercialized  shop  of  to-day  and  can  also  be  observed 
in  the  various  types  of  shops  about  us. 

These  different  systems  of  production  typifying  five  different  stages 
of  evolution  may  be  called  (1)  the  family  system,  observed  in  home 
dressmaking;  (2)  the  help  or  hire  system,  seen  in  the  dressmaker  who 
goes  out  by  the  day  to  the  home  of  the  customer;  (3)  the  custom 
system,  as  seen  in  the  "  mistress  dressmaker1'  who  conducts  a  shop 
to  which  her  customers  come  to  have  their  work  done;  (4)  the  com- 
mercialized system,  exemplified  in  women's  furnishing  stores,  which 
combine  a  sales  and  a  custom  dressmaking  department,  and  (5)  the 
manufacturing  system  for  retail  and  for  wholesale  trade.  A  brief 
sketch  of  this  evolution  through  the  three  centuries  of  American 
history  may  provide  a  helpful  background  for  a  study  of  the  present- 
da}^  development. 

In  the  American  colonies,  naturally,  the  earliest  or  family  stage  of 
industry,  where  ''production  was  earned  on  within  the  family,  by 
the  family,  and  for  the  family,"1  predominated  and  still  exists  to  a 
large  degree  in  the  rural  parts  of  the  United  States.  Before  the  mid- 
dle of  the  seventeenth  century  the  second  stage,  the  help  or  hire  sys- 
tem, developed,  by  which  the  independent  workman  (usually  a  man) 
went  from  place  to  place  offering  his  services  and  performing  the  work 
in  the  home  of  his  customer.2  Before  the  end  of  the  century  the  third 

1  Principles  of  Economics,  by  E.  R.  A.  Seligman,  p.  88. 

3  A  Simple  Cobbler  of  Agawam,  by  Nathaniel  Ward,  p.  28;  An  Account  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia, 
by  Gabriel  Thomas,  p.  41;  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  II,  p.  283. 

11 


12  BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

stage,  the  custom  system,  appeared,  under  which  the  independent 
worker  established  himself  and  made  garments  in  his  own  shop  at  the 
order  of  a  special  customer.  But  it  was  not  until  the  eighteenth 
century  that  seamstresses  appeared  to  any  extent  beside  the  journey- 
man tailor,  and  the  mistress  dressmaker  owned  a  shop  side  by  side 
with  the  master  tailor.  The  fourth  stage,  the  commercialized  system, 
was  exemplified  in  the  dealers  who  imported  clothing  from  Europe  or 
manufactured  it  in  their  own  shop,  and  their  advertisements  occu- 
pied a  large  place  in  the  local  newspapers  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
-The  early  nineteenth  century  saw  the  rapid  development  of  this 
stage  of  this  industry.  Men  and  occasionally  women  became  im- 
porters of  European  models  which  were  exhibited  to  local  dress- 
makers. The  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  brought  the 
manufacturing  system,  which  has  taken  over  every  kind  of  clothing 
in  the  past  few  decades.  The  highest  point  reached  thus  far  is  in  the 
ready-to-wear  garment,  a  competitor  of  and  a  compromise  between 
custom  and  ready-made  wear.  Ready-to-wear  clothing  is  "stock," 
single,  exclusive  patterns,  made  up  by  the  large  fashionable  custom 
dressmakers  in  advance  of  the  specific  order  of  a  customer,  offering 
an  individuality  of  style  which  is  lacking  in  the  ready-made  garment 
in  its  many  duplications  and  its  various  sizes  and  materials. 

No  wealth  of  material  exists  to  show  the  characteristics  of  each 
successive  phase  of  industrial  activity,  and  especially  is  this  true  of 
the  needle  trades.  Colonial  records,  papers,  correspondence,  arch- 
ives have  been  diligently  searched  for  historical  pictures  of  the 
producers  of  women's  wear,  with  results  which  show  that  certain 
characteristics  are  common  to  the  trade  regardless  of  difference  in 
time  and  place.1 

At  the  beginning  of  colonial  times,  as  has  been  said,  dressmaking 
was  conducted  mainly  under  the  household  system,  the  women  of 
each  family  making  the  clothes  it  needed.  Naturally  the  bound  or 
indentured  servants,  when  there  were  such,  shared  in  this  labor,  or 
perhaps  had  entire  charge  of  it.  Advertisements  may  be  found  in 
old  newspapers  dwelling  on  the  ability  as  seamstresses  of  negro  slaves 
offered  for  sale.  Indentured  servants  and  slaves,  however,  really 
formed  part  of  the  household,  and  their  labors  can  not  be  regarded  as 
a  beginning  of  the  hire  system. 

It  is  not  possible  to  say  when  the  second  system,  under  which  the 
worker  goes  out  for  hire,  appeared  in  the  colonies,  but  if  we  may 
judge  by  the  practice  of  frontier  communities  to-day,  it  must  have 
been  at  a  very  early  date.  The  natural  tendency  is  for  a  woman 
who  can  sew  to  turn  her  ability  to  account  among  her  neighbors. 
In  early  days,  however,  this  tendency  was  limited  by  the  multi- 
tudinous employments  which  kept  women  busy  within  their  own 

1  A  bibliography  and  list  of  documents  searched  will  be  found  on  pp.  169  to  172. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TEADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          13 

homes.  The  unattached  woman  seems  to  have  been  rare.  As 
late  as  1698  Gabriel  Thomas  remarks  that  there  were  no  "old  maids 
to  be  met  with,  *  *  *  for  all  commonly  marry  before  they  are 
20  years  of  age."1  Forty-two  years  earlier  another  writer  had 
observed  that  '* loose  persons,"  i.  e.,  those  free  to  dispose  of  their 
services  as  they  pleased,  "seldom  live  long  unmarried  if  free."2 

This  relative  scarcity  of  women  or  the  fact  that  home  dressmaking 
was  largely  done  by  servants  and  slaves  may  have  been  one  reason  why 
commercial  dressmaking  was  largely  in  the  hands  of  men.  During 
the  entire  seventeenth  century  men  tailors  seem  to  have  predominated 
in  the  commercialized  sewing  trades,  for  they  are  frequently  mentioned 
by  various  writers,  while  women,  when  mentioned  at  all  in  this  con- 
nection, are  reported  as  scarce. 

Before  the  end  of  the  century  dressmakers  had  reached  the  third 
stage,  that  of  conducting  a  shop  to  which  customers  come  to  have 
work  done,  and  by  1679  there  was  at  least  one  instance  of  the  fourth 
system,  the  women's  furnishings  stores  which  combine  a  sales 
department  with  custom  dressmaking.  In  that  year  William 
Sweatland  was  conducting  such  a  store  at  Salem,  selling  furnishings 
and  making  clothes  for  men,  women,  and  children.  There  is  still 
extant  a  bill  of  his  against  Jonathan  Corwin,  from  which  it  appears 
that  making  and  altering  women 's  and  children's  garments  formed  an 
important  part  of  his  trade.3 

Although  women  had  apparently  not  reached  this  fourth  stage 
during  the  seventeenth  century,  they  had  evidently  attained  the 
third,  for  in  1699  Jane  Latham,  "Seamstress  and  Manto  Maker," 
wife  of  Joseph  Latham,  of  New  York,  and  Catharine  White,  ' '  Tailor 
Woman,"  wife  of  Peter  White,  joyner,  of  the  same  State,  were 
each  doing  enough  business  to  take  on  a  young  apprentice  to  whom 
they  contracted  to  teach  the  trade.4  Taking  apprentices  presup- 
poses the  maintenance  of  a  shop,  as  there  is  no  record  of  dressmakers 
going  out  by  the  day  and  taking  assistants  with  them. 

Thus,  by  1700,  the  first  four  systems  under  which  dressmaking 
is  carried  on  were  in  existence  side  by  side  in  the  colonies,  though 
the  first  and  second  systems  were  probably  very  much  in  the  lead. 
Throughout  the  seventeenth  century  the  colonists,  in  addition  to 
the  clothes  made  by  their  own  dressmakers  and  tailors,  were  receiv- 
ing importations  from  abroad,  especially  from  England.  The 
writings  of  the  times  contain  frequent  references  to  the  arrival  of 
ships  bearing,  among  other  things,  garments  and  finery  for  men  and 
women  alike. 

i  An  Account  of  Pennsylvania  and  West  New  Jersey  (1698),  by  Gabriel  Thomas,  pp.  45-51. 
«  Leah  and  Rachel  (1656),  by  Hammond,  p.  15. 

3  See  Weeden's  Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England,  p.  287,  where  a  copy  of  this  bill,  covering 
the  period  from  Sept.  29, 1679,  to  Feb.  26, 1681,  is  given. 
*  New  York  Historical  Society  Collections,  1885,  pp.  582, 583. 


14  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU   OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

During  the  eighteenth  century  changes  in  the  dressmaking  trade 
were  more  in  the  nature  of  shifting  the  emphasis  on  certain  aspects 
than  of  introducing  new  features.  The  four  systems  continued  to 
coexist.  The  household  system  does  not  appear  to  have  diminished 
in  importance,  and  the  papers  contain  frequent  advertisements  for 
household  servants  who  could  combine  sewing  with  the  performance 
of  their  domestic  duties.  The  help  or  hire  system  was  also  main- 
tained, and  a  transition  stage  between  this  and  the  custom-shop 
system  is  shown  by  "Elizabeth  Sanders  Porter,  Mantua-Maker  from 
Boston/7  who  "begs  leave  to  inform  the  Ladies  of  this  Town 
(Essex)  that  she  makes  Gowns,  Hats,  Cloaks  and  Riding  Habits 
in  the  best  and  neatest  Manner,  at  her  own  Home  or  at  the  Ladies' 
Houses." 1 

Shops  carried  on  under  the  third  and  fourth  systems  became 
increasingly  numerous  and  important,  and  more  and  more  com- 
monly women  were  found  at  their  head.  The  first  half  of  the  century 
was  marked  by  closer  relations  with  Europe  and  by  greater  pros- 
perity than  had  prevailed  before.  The  increasing  wealth  of  the 
colonies  and  their  growing  commerce  tended  to  introduce  European 
standards  of  dress,  while  the  coming  of  royal  governors  and  the 
establishment  of  official  social  life  in  the  cities  gave  an  added  impetus 
to  the  movement.  English  dressmakers,  tailors,  and  staymakers 
came  over  to  find  their  prosperity  in  meeting  the  growing  demand 
for  rich  and  fashionable  garments,  and  though  men  preceded  the 
women,  the  latter  soon  became  prominent  as  mistress  dressmakers. 
From  this  position  they  soon  developed  into  merchant  dressmakers 
selling  the  completed  garment  made  from  materials,  chosen  by 
samples,  manufactured  at  home  or  imported.  Before  the  close  of 
the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  women  appear  as  full-fledged 
merchant  dressmakers,  importers,  and  merchants  of  women's  cloth- 
ing, A  Boston  newspaper  in  1733  announced:  "To  be  seen  at  Mrs. 
Hannah  Teatts,  Mantua-maker  at  the  head  of  Summer  St.,  Boston, 
a  Baby  drest  after  the  Newest  Fashion  of  Mantues  and  Night  Gowns 
and  every  thing  belonging  to  a  dress,  lately  arrived  in  Capt.  White, 
from  London,  any  Ladies  that  desire  to  see  it  may  either  come  or 
send  and  she  will  be  ready  to  wait  on  'em,  if  they  come  to  the  House 
it  is  Five  Shillings,  and  if  she  waits  on  them  it  is  Seven  Shillings."2 
Thus,  there  existed  in  the  early  eighteenth  century,  some  of  the  most 
modern  present-day  features  of  the  custom  dressmaking  trade — a 
mistress  custom  dressmaker,  an  importer  of  European  models, 
carrying  a  varied  stock  of  "Mantues,  Night  Gowns  and  every  thing 
belonging  to  a  dress,"  which  she  was  prepared  to  display  either  in 
her  shop  or  in  the  home  of  her  customers. 

i  Essex  Gazette,  Aug.  14-21, 1770.  2  New  England  Weekly  Journal,  July  2,  1733- 


DEESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          15 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  woman  mer- 
chant dressmaker  assumed  a.  more  prominent  place  among  the 
importers  of  goods  and  clothing.  Jane  Eustis  in  1756  had  developed 
all  the  characteristics  of  the  modern  commercialized  custom  shop. 
In  1756  she  dissolved  her  "copartnership"  with  Mary  Purcell  and 
opened  a  shop  "next  door  to  Mr.  Kent's  office,  opposite  the  north  side 
of  the  Town  House,"  where  she  "sold  for  the  lowest  rates  for  cash 

Hoops,  stays  .  .  .  stomachers  .  .  .  bonnets,  hair  hats,  Padu- 
soy  cloaks  .  .  .  umbrilles  .  .  .  Men's,  Women's,  and  Children's  hose 

women's  black  silk  kid  and  lamb  gloves  and  mittens.  N.  B. 
Said  Eustis  makes  in  the  neatest  and  newest  fashion  Capuchines, 
Cardinals,  Hatts,  Bonnets  and  Pallances,  etc.,  etc."  l  Ten  years 
later,  1766,  in  the  same  shop  she  had  just  "imported  .  .  .  from  Lon- 
don" and  was  selling  "for  cash  at  her  shop  opposite  the  North  Side 
of  the  Town-House,  Boston  .  .  .  Brown  and  black  Padusoys  .  .  . 
Ducapes,  pink  and  brown  Mantuas,  white  and  buff  ground  Brocades 

quilted  petticoats  .  .  .  Lady's  habit  .  .  .  brocaded  shoes  and 
clogs  .  .  .  black  and  coloured  bonnets  and  jockeys,  plumes  for  ditto 
.  .  .  silver  and  silk  trimmings  for  gowns  .  .  .  chip  hats  and  bonnets 

with  a  great  variety  of  Haberdashery  and  Millinery,  too  many 
to  be  ennumerated."  2 

By  1756  this  woman  of  the  American  colonies  had  .developed  her 
custom  dressmaking  and  millinery  establishment  to  a  commercialized 
shop  where  she  sold  imported  ready-made  wear  beside  her  own  manu- 
factures. But  in  1766  Jane  Eustis  made  no  mention  of  custom  or 
order  work.  If  this  omission  indicates  that  this  phase  of  her  business 
had  sunk  into  insignificance  beside  the  more  profitable  sales  depart- 
ment, the  similarity  to  modern  conditions  and  tendencies  becomes 
almost  complete. 

The  importation  of  clothing  from  abroad  continued  throughout  the 
century,  although  naturally  it  was  greatly  diminished  during  the 
Revolution.  After  the  break  with  England,  and  indeed  for  some 
time  before  it,  such  importations  were  attacked  on  the  ground  that 
patriotism  demanded  the  use  of  home  products.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  to  what  extent  this  attitude  affected  the  dressmakers.  Adver- 
tisements of  dresses  and  dress  materials  from  England  and  France 
continued  to  appear  in  the  city  papers,  but  in  1790  Hamilton  claimed 
uin  a  number  of  districts  that  two-thirds,  three-fourths,  and  even  four- 
fifths  of  all  the  clothing  of  the  inhabitants  are  made  by  themselves."3 
Outside  of  the  larger  cities  dressmaking  had  developed  very  little 
beyond  the  first  two  systems,  while  the  third  and  fourth  probably 
appeared  very  little,  if  at  all. 

i  Boston  News  Letter,  June  24, 1756.  3  American  State  Papers.    Finance,  vol.  1,  p.  132. 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Feb.  17,  Dec.  8, 1766. 


16  BULLETIN    OF   THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

Iii  the  nineteenth  century,  the  women's  clothing  trade,  still  retain- 
ing all  its  primitive  stages,  developed  the  characteristics  of  "la  grande 
Industrie."  There  was  still  the  "  young  lady  [who]  wishes  a  situation 
in  a  private  family  where  she  can  do  sewing,  or  assist  in  the  domestic 
concerns  to  pay  for  her  board,"  1  "a  Young  woman  from  England 
[who]  wishes  to  engage  herself  in  a  genteel  family  to  do  needlework,"  2 
and  "a  Lady  possessing  unusual  taste  and  skill,  and  experience  in 
fitting  and  making  all  kinds  of  Ladies'  and  Little  Boys'  and  Girls' 
Garments,  [who]  would  like  to  work  for  a  few  families  in  Charles  town 
or  vicinity."  3  Beside  these  appeared  the  master  tailor  and  mistress 
dressmaker,  employers  of  labor.  To  what  extent  tailors  and  dress- 
makers employed  help  before  the  Revolution  it  seems  difficult  to 
determine,  but  undoubtedly  the  evolution  of  the  larger  shop  during 
the  eighteenth  century  increased  the  demand,  and  the  recruiting  of 
workers  through  advertisements  in  the  newspapers,  the  usual  method 
to-day,  became  apparent  at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
For  example,  "M.  Boyles,  Mantua-maker  from  London,"  advertised 
for  "Two  young  women,  wanted  as  apprentices,"  in  Boston  in  1799.4 
As  her  advertisement  ran  in  the  paper  for  four  weeks,  the  applicants 
were  apparently  no  more  numerous  or  desirable  than  at  present.  In 
1800  there  was  "wanted  at  the  Tailoring  Business  a  smart  young 
Woman  18  or  20  years  of  age,"  5  and  in  1828  "Six  first-rate  tailoresses 
to  whom  steady  employ  and  the  highest  wages  will  be  given  .  . 
were  wanted  immediately."  6  M.  Gillespie,  dressmaker,  "wanted 
immediately  [in  1827]  several  persons  as  apprentices."7 

The  fourth  stage  of  the  dressmaking  industry,  the  merchant  dress- 
maker and  milliner,  is  typified  by  "Eliza  Bancroft  [who]  Respectfully 
informs  her  Friends  and  the  Public  that  she  has  received  a  fresh 
supply  of  Fancy  Goods  Suitable  for  the  Season — among  which  are 
black  and  white  cambrics,  black  silk  shawls  .  .  .  silk  for  Bonnets, 
and  Gowns  .  .  .  She  continues  the  Mantua  Making  and  Millinery 
Business  in  the  newest  fashions."8  Thus,  before  the  War  of  .1812 
there  was  developed  the  prototype  of  the  modern  woman's  furnishings 
houses,  which  combine  under  one  business  management  the  three 
departments:  (1)  The  sales  department  of  materials  and  furnishings 
for  women's  clothing;  (2)  custom  dressmaking;  and  (3)  millinery. 

Although  the  development  on  a  large  scale  of  the  big  furnishing 
houses  with  their  millinery  and  dressmaking  departments  and  the  neces- 
sary capital  gave  the  supremacy  to  men  as  "better  prepared  for  rea- 

1  Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  Mar.  24, 1813. 

2  Independent  Chronicle,  July  23, 1800. 
a  Bunker  Hill  Aurora,  May  6, 1865. 

4  Boston  Commercial  Gazette,  June  10, 17,  24,  July  1, 1799. 

&  Columbus  Centinel,  Mar.  5, 1800. 

« [Boston]  Evening  Gazette,  Mar.  15,  1828. 

^  Ibid.,  Sept.  15, 1827. 

»  National  Aegis,  Apr.  8,  1812. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          17 

soning  and  calculations," 1  the  woman  European  importer,  wholesale 
dealer,  and  merchant  dressmaker  appeared  in  Boston  before  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

A  woman  merchant  dressmaker  and  importer  of  European  models 
was  established  in  Boston  by  1840,  who  arranged  " openings"  for  the 
display  of  the  latest  styles  and  models  to  the  dressmakers  of  the  sur- 
rounding country,  thus  exhibiting  a  prototype  of  the  movement  for 
u democratization"  of  styles  in  America,  which  is  now  centered 
almost  exclusively  in  New  York  City  and  has  practically  disappeared 
from  Boston. 

Women  conducted  stores  which  carried  a  stock  of  materials  and  of 
clothing,  not  only  in  the  large  ports  but  in  many  surrounding  cities. 
Grace  Smith  in  Norfolk,2  Mrs.  Clapp  "at  the  Noted  Store"  in  Ded- 
ham,3< 'Mrs.  Charlotte  H.  White  .  .  .  [who]  .  .  .  has  opened  a  shop  in 
the  dwelling  House  of  Deacon  Tilly  Flint"  in  Rutland,4  advertised  ' 'a 
general  assortment  of  English  goods."  Imports  in  the  large  cities 
increased  in  value,  and  merchants  in  Boston  offered  for  sale  "a  com- 
plete assortment  of  new  and  fashionable  Goods  .  .  .  Rich  ball  dresses, 
Lace  dresses,  Embroidered  French  cambric  and  sheer  muslin  dresses, 
India  Muslin  dresses,  Mantles,  Silk,  and  gold  dotted  muslin  for  dresses 
.  .  . 5  a  few  splendid  French  embroidered  Muslin  and  Cambrick 
Drosses,  worth  from  35  to  55  dollars.  These  being  lately  imported, 
are  the  most  modern  style  and  truly  elegant."  6  Stephen  Rhoads, 
in  November,  1827,  had  received  by  the  London  Packet,  "1  case  of 
Ladies  Imperial  Pelerines,  Sable,  and  Ermine,  a  very  rich  article."  J 

The  influx  of  European  goods  and  increasing  luxury  in  the  first 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century  had,  however,  met  opposition  from 
many  quarters.  The  manufacturers  and  statesmen  of  New  England 
in  the  early  nineteenth  century  vigorously  resisted  European  impor- 
tations of  manufactured  articles.  The  remedy  urged  was  increasing 
taxation  and  the  climax  was  reached  in  the  tariff  of  1828. 

Apart  from  the  political  agitation,  many  opposed  the  trend  toward 
extravagance,  and  especially  as  manifested  in  the  introduction  of 
European  clothes  and  ornaments  and  the  submission  to  European 
fashions,  on  grounds  of  duty,  morality,  and  patriotism.  There  is 
little  evidence  that  this  opposition  produced  any  particular  effect. 

The  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  contributed  the  final  phases 
of  development  in  the  women's  clothing  trade — the  wholesale  manu- 
facture of  women's  machine-made  clothing  with  the  resultant  so- 
called  sweating  system,  and  the  custom  ready-to-wear  garments. 

*  France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  18%,  p.  395. 

2  Norfolk  Repository,  May  28, 1805. 

3  Ibid,,  June  4, 1805. 

*  National  Aegis,  July  3, 1S05. 

i  The  Evening  Gazette,  Jan.  6, 1827. 
•Ibid.,  Oct.  6,  1827. 

*  The  Evening  Gazette,  Nov.  i:,,  1*27,  Oct.  20,  1827,  Aug.  2,  Ifi28.  . 

29885°— Bull.  193—16 2 


18  BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUEEAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

Thus  by  the  end  of  the  century  all  stages  of  development  existed  side 
by  side.  The  large  commercialized  shop  and  department  store  of  the 
latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  represent  a  stage  of  evolution  in 
degree  purely.  They  existed  hi  the  eighteenth  century.  They  in- 
creased in  size,  amount  of  capital  invested,  and  stock  earned,  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  But  the  last  stage  of  development,  wholesale 
manufacture,  originated  and  developed  rapidly  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  Wholesale  manufacture  of  men's  clothing 
existed  to  some  extent  in  the  first  half  of  the  century.  The  manufac- 
ture of  women's  clothing  on  a  large  scale  in  advance  of  the  orders  of 
prospective  buyers  involved  a  more  difficult  problem.  A  most  serious 
obstacle  to  making  up  large  quantities  of  women's  clothing  in  vary- 
ing sizes  and  in  like  and  in  different  materials  after  a  single  model 
appeared  from  the  beginning.  Two  factors,  which  M.  du  Maroussem 
calls  "la  coquetterie  feminine,"  *  complicated  the  development — the 
attitude  of  the  clientele,  which  insists  that  no  two  gowns  shall 
be  alike,  necessitating  infinite  variations,  and  the  desire  for  an 
adaptation  of  the  fashion,  style,  and  material  of  a  garment  to  the 
particular  form  and  personal  characteristics  of  the  individual  woman. 
This  individualization,  which  constitutes  the  radical  contrast  between 
masculine  and  feminine  dress,  was  still  further  complicated  by  the 
rapidly  changing  styles  in  women's  clothing.  Each  client  required 
a  garment  adapted  peculiarly  to  herself,  but  it  must  conform  in  its 
general  lines  to  the  exigencies  of  the  general  fashion,  which  in  turn 
are  uncertain  because  dependent  on  "the  universal  suffrage  of  the 
ladies  of  fashion."  "How  then,"  says  M.  du  Maroussem,  "hi  view 
of  this  unconquerable  economic  demand,  manufacture  large  stocks  in 
advance,  as  is  the  custom  established  in  the  manufacture  of  men's 
ready-made  clothing?  The  process  must  be  transformed."  The 
promoters  of  the  new  idea  sought  to  separate  the  common  elements, 
to  some  extent,  from  the  most  diversified  styles,  and  apply  to  them, 
as  an  invariable  basis  of  the  system,  the  anticipated  fashion.2  The 
promulgation  of  the  styles  is  effected  through  two  mediums :  The  cre- 
ation of  models  in  picture  form,  which  are  spread  broadcast  through 
special  fashion  publications,  and  the  creation  of  models  in  the  actual 
form  of  costumes  made  in  advance  and  sold  with  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing reproductions  and  variations  from  them.  Paris  controls  this  phase 
of  the  trade.  The  United  States  has  always  looked  to  western  Europe 
for  initiative  in  style  of  dress.  Certain  large  houses  in  some  of  the 
largest  American  cities  create  "Americanized  styles"  and  models, 
but  always  hi  accordance  with  the  decrees  laid  down  by  Paris  leaders. 


1  France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  393  et  seq.    See  also 
Le  Development  de  la  Fabrique  et  le  travail  a  domicile  dans  las  Industries  de  1'Habillement,  par  A. 
Alftalion.    Paris,  1906. 

2  See  discussion  by  M.  du  Maroussem.    France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le 
Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  393  et  seq. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TKADE  FOB  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          19 

The  development  of  the  "  ready-made,"  using  the  word  in  its  ver- 
nacular sense,  was  a  matter  of  some  four  decades.  Ready-made  wear 
had  been  imported  from  Europe  in  colonial  times,  but  wholesale  ready- 
made  clothing  produced  in  large  quantities  in  many  sizes  and  varie- 
ties of  materials  showed  a  comparatively  slow  evolution.  No  at- 
tempt was  made  at  first  to  invade  the  sphere  of  the  fitted  garment. 
With  the  introduction  of  the  sewing  machine  in  1850,  however,  ready- 
made  clothing  soon  took  rapid  strides  in  the  looser  and  more  masculine 
type  of  wear,  such  as  outside  cloaks,  coats,  and  mantillas,  as  well  as 
in  corsets  and  similar  furnishing  goods,  hoop  skirts,  and  millinery. 

The  census  of  1860  reported — ''This  branch  of  the  domestic  cloth- 
ing trade,  which  thus  employs  nearly  half  a  million  dollars  in  capital, 
and  with  the  labor  of  less  than  1,600  hands,  produced  upwards  of  two 
and  a  quarter  million  dollars'  worth  of  cloaks  and  mantillas  annually, 
is  one  of  quite  recent  growth,  and  has  received  its  principal  develop- 
ment within  the  ten  or  fifteen  years  preceding  the  last  census.  The 
manufacture  has  its  principal  seat  in  New  York,  which  has  15  large 
establishments,  one  of  which  employs  100  girls  and  makes  goods  to 
the  value  of  $120,000  per  annum.  Two  others  employ  70  and  40 
hands,  respectively,  and  make  each  about  $  1 00,000  worth.  The  whole 
value  of  cloaks  and  mantillas  made  in  that  city  in  1860  was  $618,400. 
A  large  manufacturer  in  that  city  who  commenced  business  in  1849 
was  the  first  to  introduce  sewing  machines  in  the  business,  as  well  as 
the  first  to  employ  young  women  in  the  retail  sales  department.  The 
largest  establishment  in  Boston  also  employs  100  females  and  makes 
$150,000  worth  of  ladies'  cloaks  and  mantillas  annually,  while  two 
others  in  that  city  employ  each  about  75  hands,  and  manufacture 
to  the  value  of  $125,000  each.  All  but  $13,000  of  the  product  in 
Massachusetts  was  made  by  10  factories  in  Boston."  1 

During  the  four  decades  from  1860  to  1900  the  ready-made-garment 
manufacturers  invaded  every  branch  of  the  women's  clothing  trade. 
Increasing  development  of  skill  and  perfection  of  machinery  and  work- 
manship have  made  possible  the  manufacture  of  close-fitting  gar- 
ments. The  development  of  popular  taste  and  demand  through  the 
show  windows  and  salesrooms  of  retail  dealers  has  justified  the  man- 
ufacture of  great  quantities  of  stock.  The  decreased  cost  of  the 
ready-made  has  resulted  in  its  world-wide  adoption.  In  the  early 
eighties  the  manufacturers  began  making  ladies'  suits,  hi  the  nineties 
lingerie,  soon  to  be  followed  by  shirt  waists,  fancy  waists,  skirts,  gowns 
of  all  sorts  and  materials,  and  finally  neckwear  on  a  large  scale. 

With  increasing  perfection  and  popularity  of  the  ready-made,  there 
has  appeared  a  new  phase  in  the  development  of  the  trade — the  ready- 
to-wear,  which  represents  the  last  resort  of  custom  dressmakers  and 

i  United  States  Census,  1860.    Manufactures,  p.  Ixxxiii. 


20  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

tailors  to  combat  the  ready-made.  Exclusive  large  custom  houses 
still  refuse  to  recognize  or  carry  the  ready-made,  but  they  are  attempt- 
ing to  cater  to  public  demand  for  the  completed  gown  or  garments  at 
short  notice  by  making  up  stock  in  advance.  "  Ready- to-wear,"  said 
a  member  of  such  a  "firm,  "is 'a  single  gown  made  up  on  a  single  ex- 
clusive pattern  in  advance  of  the  specific  order  of  a  customer,  but 
offering  an  individuality  and  exclusiveness  of  style  in  the  finished 
product  which  the  ready-made  in  its  many  duplications  in  various 
sizes  can  not  do."  This  development  has  brought 'in  its  wake  two 
most  important  results — first,  the  partial  abolition  of  the  necessity 
for  late  rush  orders,  as  the  customer  can  often  find  ready  for  use  a 
gown  suitable  for  her  needs;  and  second,  the  partial  alleviation  of 
the  slack  season,  as  the  workers  fill  in  the  time  in  which  they  are  not 
busy  with  orders  of  customers  by  making  up  "stock."  This  ready- 
to-wear  is  offered  for  sale  to  customers  wishing  gowns  on  short  notice, 
or  preferring  the  finished  product  to  the  waste  of  time  and  energy 
and  the  uncertainty  of  satisfactory  results  sometimes  experienced  in 
custom  work. 

The  attempt  to  cater  to  all  the  various  needs  of  the  clientele  is 
resulting  in  many  combinations,  either  of  the  two  branches,  custom 
and  ready-to-wear,  or  of  the  three  branches,  custom,  ready-to-wear, 
and  ready-made.  Many  a  custom  tailor  or  dressmaker  of  a  few 
decades  ago  has  now  been  transformed  into  the  head  of  a  large  estab- 
lishment or  has  formed  a  partnership  or  corporation  combining  the 
two  or  three  branches  of  the  trade.  Meanwhile  the  increasing  tendency 
toward  centralization  and  the  competition  of  two  powerful  factors— 
the  manufacturing  and  the  combination  establishments  with  their  large 
capital  and  unlimited  credit — have  rapidly  diminished  the  field  of  op- 
portunity for  the  small  custom  dressmaker.  She  is  brought  face  to  face 
with  the  three  great  problems  of  modem  industry — competition ,  capi- 
tal, and  the  labor  problem.  The  ready-made,  with  its  increasingly  fine 
product,  good  style,  and  low  cost  due  to  the  manufacture  of  large 
quantities  under  a  highly  developed  business  system  and  administra- 
tion, encroaches  on  the  field  from  the  one  side;  the  large  combination 
establishments  encroach  on  the  other  side  in  two  ways,  for  first,  with 
practically  unlimited  capital  they  are  able  to  work  on  a  large  scale 
with  the  highest  degree  of  business  finesse,  to  employ  time  and 
labor  saving  machinery,  and  to  secure  experts,  who,  with  their  origi- 
nality and  initiative,  can  give  a  certain  characteristic  exclusiveness 
in  stylo  and  taste;  second,  because  of  the . extensive  scope  of  their 
business  some  of  the  more  far-seeing  firms  so  arrange  their  work  as 
to  eliminate  to  a  large  extent  the  seasonal  aspect  of  the  trade,  thus 
attracting  tho  workers  and  aggravating  the  labor  problem  for  the 
small  dressmaker. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          21 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  certain  important  influences  reacting 
in  favor  of  custom  work  and  of  the  small  dressmaker.  Custom  work 
will  probably  always  retain  its  superiority  of  workmanship — i.  e.,  fine 
handwork,  accuracy,  and  fine  finishing.  It  will  also  meet  and  solve 
most  effectively  the  peculiar  needs  of  the  individual.  For  these  two 
reasons  every  stage  of  custom  work  can  still  retain  its  position  in  the 
labor  world.  The  dressmaker  going  "out  by  the  day"  obviates  for 
herself  the  problem  of  large  capital  and  irregular  payment  of  cus- 
tomers and  meets  the  needs  of  customers  who  still  insist  on  custom 
work  in  lingerie,  children's  wear,  house  dresses,  and  even  the  more 
elaborate  gowns. 

In  spite  of  the  problems  enumerated  above,  the  small  dressmaker 
also  has  certain  advantages  which  cause  her  competition  to  react  on 
the  large  establishments.  First,  the  "democratization"  of  styles 
effected  by  the  semiannual  importation  of  Parisian  models  by  large 
New  York  importers  and  their  "openings/'  at  which  all  the  newest 
Parisian  styles  are  displayed  to  their  customers  (dressmakers)  from 
far  and  near,  enables  the  smallest  (within  these  limits)  as  well  as  the 
largest  dressmaker  to  give  to  her  customers  the  newest  style.  One 
of  the  members  of  an  old  and  well-established  firm  considered  this 
the  greatest  menace  to  the  high-class  establishments.  Formerly,  he 
said,  only  the  large  establishments  who  could  send  a  representative 
abroad  twice  a  year  could  give  exclusive  and  original  styles  to  their 
customers.  Now  the  smallest  dressmaker  of  ability  and  ingenuity 
is  enabled  to  give  exactly  as  good  style  at  smaller  cost  because  of 
her  lower  expenses.  Second,  the  small  dressmaker  gives  her  own 
talent,  taste,  ingenuity,  and  originality  to  the  making  of  her  gowns 
with  no  financial  expenditure  for  this  service.  The  large  firm  pays 
one  or  more  head  women  salaries  ranging  from  $1,000  to  $10,000  a 
year  for  this  contribution,  but  the  small  dressmaker  not  only  furnishes 
this  herself  but  by  personal  supervision  of  the  workroom  effects 
greater  economy  of  time  and  materials  and  the  more  interested  coop- 
eration of  her  employees.  The  small  dressmaker  has  a  more  steady 
and  regular  clientele,  enabling  many  of  the  more  far-seeing  ones  to 
meet  in  a  fairly  satisfactory  manner  the  seasonal  problem.  She  is 
not  expected  nor  does  she  attempt  to  maintain  the  standard  of  luxury 
and  spaciousness  of  quarters,  location  of  establishment,  etc.,  required 
of  the  larger  firms,  with  their  resultant  heavy  expenditure. 

Thus  a  nice  balance  of  opposing,  interacting,  and  reacting  forces 
still  makes  possible  at  the  present  day  the  existence  side  by  side  of 
all  stages  of  the  clothing  trade  from  the  primitive  to  the  most  modern 
and  scientifically  developed. 


CHAPTER  H. 


THE  DRESSMAKING  TRADE  OF  TO-DAY. 

The  dressmaking  trade  of  the  twentieth  century  is  developing  along 
three  diverging  lines:  (1)  In  the  increasing  growth  of  the  large 
wholesale  manufacturers  at  the  expense  of  the  custom  trade;  (2)  in 
the  development  of  the  large  custom  shop  and  decline  of  the  small; 
and  (3)  paradoxically,  in  the  comparatively  large  place  occupied  by 
the  home  dressmaker  and  day  worker.  Directors  of  vocational  edu- 
cation and  guidance  must,  therefore,  know  the  industrial  trend  and 
predominant  types  in  the  neighborhoods  to  which  they  cater  to  solve 
their  problem  satisfactorily. 

The  manufacture  of  ready-made  clothing  has  grown  by  leaps  and 
bounds  during  the  last  two  decades,  increasing  more  than  100  per 
cent  in  practically  every  phase  during  the  decade  1890  to  1900,  and 
in  some  details  to  an  even  more  phenomenal  extent  during  the  decade 
1900  to  1910. 

Table  1,  immediately  following,  shows  the  development  of  the  two 
branches,  wholesale  manufacturing  and  custom  dressmaking,  during 
the  decade  1890-1900,  while  Table  2  shows  the  growth  of  the  whole- 
sale manufacturing  trade  during  the  decade  1899-1909. 

TABLE  1.— DEVELOPMENT  OF  WOMEN'S  CLOTHING  TRADE,  FACTORY  PRODUCT  AND 
CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING,  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  DURING  THE  DECADE  1890-1900.1 

[Based  on  United  States  Census,  1900,  VoL  IX,  Manufactures,  Pt.  Ill,  p.  302.] 


Item. 

Factory  product. 

Custom  dressmaking. 

1890 

1900 

Per 
cent 
in- 
crease, 
1900 
over 
1890. 

1890 

1900 

Per 
cent 
in- 
crease, 
1900 
over 
1890. 

Per 
cent 
de- 
crease, 
1900 
from 
1890. 

Number  of  establishments  
Capital  

1,224 
£21,259,528 

39,  149 
12,963 
25,913 
273 
$15,428,272 
$7,386,955 
$7,994,203 
547,  114 
$34,277,219 
$68,164,019 

2,701 
$48,431,544 

83,739 
26,109 
56,  8G6 
764 
$32,  586,  101 
$15,  790,  572 
$16,675,390 
$120,139 
$84,704,592 
$159,339,539 

120.7 
127.8 

113.9 
101.4 
119.5 
179.9 
111.2 
113.8 
108.6 
155.0 
147.1 
138.8 

19,587 
$12,883,097 

48,613 
1,056 
47,  164 
393 
$13,145,734 
$616,438 
$12,482,362 
•16,954 
$23,393,829 
$57,071,732 

14,479 
$13,  815,  221 

45,595 
4,379 
40,835 
381 
$14,352,453 
$2,943,175 
$11,363,683 
$45,595 
$16,503,754 
2$48,356,034 

26.1 

7.2 

Wage  earners,  average  num- 
ber    
Men,  16  years  and  over.  .  . 
Women,  16  years  and  over. 
Children  under  1(3  years.  .  . 
Total  wages 

6.2 

314.7 

13.4 
3.1 

""9."  2 
377.5 

Men  

Women 

9.0 
2.9 
29'.  5 
15,3 

Children  

Cijst  of  materials  used 

Value  of  products  



1  Factory  product  covers  all  clothing  manufactured  for  the  wholesale  trade;  custom  dressmaking  deals 
with  product  made  for  retail  orders. 
-  Includes  custom  work  and  repairing. 

23 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOE    STATISTICS. 


TABLE  2.— DEVELOPMENT  OF  WOMEN'S  CIXXTHING  TRADE,    FACTORY    PRODUCT,    IN 
THE  UNITED  STATES  DURING  THE  DECADB  1899-1909. » 

{Based  on  the  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  VIII.  Manufactures,  p.  509.] 


Per 

cant 

in- 

Item. 

1899 

1909 

crease, 

1909 

.                . 

1899. 

Number  of  establishments  .                      

2,701 

4,558 

68.  8 

Capital 

$48,  432,  000 

$129,301,000 

167.0 

Wage  earners,  average  number  

83,739 

153,743 

83.6 

Total  wa^es 

$32,586,000 

$78,568,000 

141.1 

Salaried  employees,  total  number  

6,715 

18,796 

179.9 

Total  salaries                               .  -                                     ..... 

$6,574,000 

S20,418,000 

210.6 

$84,705,000 

S208  788,000 

146  5 

Value  of  product  

8159,  340,  000 

$384,752,000 

141.5 

1  In  1900  the  chief  statistician  recommended  the  abandonment  of  all  inquiries  into  hand  trades  because 
of  the  impossibility  of  securing  accurate  and  complete  returns  and  the  high  cost  for  dubious  returns. 

In  the  manufacturing  branch  it  is  evident  that  the  increase  in 
capital  and  wages  during  the  second  decade  was  greater  than  in  the 
first,  but  a  corresponding  increase  does  not  appear  in  the  number  of 
establishments  or  workers.  This  indicates  a  process  of  consolidation 
and  the  development  of  the  larger  shop.  The  greater  increase  in 
wages  than  in  number  of  wage  earners  indicates  the  employment  of. 
more  liighly  skilled  workers.  This  is  also  emphasized  in  the  170.9 
per  cent  increase  in  salaried  officials  and  210.6  per  cent  increase  in 
total  salaries  paid. 

In  the  first  decade  while  the  manufacturing  branch  of  the  women's 
clothing  trade  showed  an  increase  of  120.7  per  cent  in  the  number  of 
establishments,  113.9  per  cent  in  average  number  of  wage  earners, 
147.1  per  cent  in  cost  of  materials  and  138.8  per  cent  in  value  of 
product,  custom  dressmaking  decreased  in  ail  these  phases  of  the 
trade.  But  while  custom  dressmaking  lagged  far  behind  in  the  race 
during  this  decade,  the  decrease  in  the  number  of  establishments 
(26.1  per  cent)  was  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  6.2  per  cent  decline  in 
the  number  of  wage  earners.  During  the  same  period  the  amount  of 
capital  increased  7.2  per  cent  and  the  total  wages  9.2  per  cent,  all  this 
indicating  consolidation  or  the  development  of  the  large  shop.1 

The  development  and  competition  of  the  factory  product  lias 
brought  about  a  very  uneven  distribution  of  product  between  the 
factory  and  custom  dressmaker.  The  census  of  1910  describes 
women's  clo tiling,  factory  product,  as  comprising  ''not  only  com- 
plete suits,  but  also  dresses,  skirts,  petticoats,  kimonos,  dressing 
sacques,  wrappers,  jackets,  cloaks,  capes,  underwear,  infants'  cloth- 
ing, shirt  waists,  linings,  dress  stays,  belts,  dress  shields,  and  similar 
articles."  Custom  dressmaking  is,  on  the  other  hand,  being  in- 
creasingly limited  to  only  the  high-class,  exclusive  product;  fancy 


i  See  Table  1. 


United  States  Census,  1910.    Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  398. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS,  25 

hr»use  dresses,  street  suits,  and  fancy  waists,  which,  because  of  indi- 
vidual style  and  exclusive  patterns  and  materials,  can  compete  with 
the  cheaper  ready-made  product. 

Although  the  factory  branch  of  the  trade  is  largely  centered  in 
New  York,  the  value  of  its  product  representing  70.8  per  cent  of  the 
total  output  of  the  United  States,1  the  clothing  trade  throughout  the 
country  feels  the  effect  of  its  competition  through  the  distribution  of 
New  York's  product. 

This  increase  in  the  importance  of  the  factory  branch  is  bringing 
about  new  conditions  and  necessitating  new  adjustments  within  the 
custom  branch  of  the  trade.  Four  great  problems — capital,  compe- 
tition, scarcitv  of  skilled  labor,  and  seasonal  fluctuation — must  be 
met  by  shops  of  all  types,  and  the  degree  to  which  they  are  or  are  not 
solved  determines  the  survival  of  the  type.  Out  of  the  struggle  is 
emerging,  on  the  one  side,  the  large  custom  shop  and,  on  the  other,  the 
domestic  or  day  worker,  with  the  resultant  submergence  of  the  small 
shop. 

The  evolution  of  the  large  establishment  in  custom  as  in  factory 
dressmaking  has  undoubtedly  continued  during  the  first  decade  of 
the  twentieth  century,  though  the  lack  of  census  statistics  makes 
comparison  impossible.  Members  of  the  trade,  both  in  Boston  and 
in  other  cities,  almost  unanimously  testify  to  the  increasing  difficulty 
1 1  .<-.  small  shop  finds  in  competing  on  the  one  side  with  the  large  cus- 
tom establishments,  with  their  prestige  and  almost  unlimited  capital, 
and  011  the  other  with  the  wholesale  manufacturing  establishments 
turning  out  a  cheaper  product.  Many  who  formerly  conducted  a 
shop  find  it  more  profitable  to  work  on  a  salary  or  go  out  by  the  day. 
A  head  dressmaker  of  a  large,  fashionable  shop  in  Boston,  receiving 
$50  a  week,  had  for  five  or  six  years  conducted  a  shop  with  a  force  of 
20  to  30  workers,  but  could  not  meet  the  problem  of  capital.  A 
Worcester  dressmaker  who  used  to  conduct  a  shop  abandoned  it 
because  of  the  scarcity  of  good  workers  and  now  takes  in  only  such 
work  as  she  can  do  herself.  Many  of  the  smaller  dressmakers  are 
(•losing  their  shops  because  of  the  difficulty  of  competing  with  the 
large  custom  and  ready-made  establishments  and  are  going  out  by 
the  day  or  taking  only  such  work  as  they  can  do  alone. 

The  growth  of  the  wholesale  manufacture  of  women's  clothing  is 
clearly  shown  by  the  census,  and  the  development  of  the  large  custom 
dressmaking  shop,  though  not  so  easily  proved,  is  evident.  It  is 
more  difficult  to  ascertain  the  numbers  and  importance  of  dress- 
makers working  in  their  own  homes  or  going  out  by  the  day,  yet 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  these  constitute  a  large  proportion  of 
the  workers  in  the  trade,  except  perhaps  in  large  cities  where  dress- 
making is  highly  industrialized.  Although  the  census  gives  no  sta- 

i  Calculated  from  data  from  United  States  Census,  1910.    Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  r,74.  .575. 


26  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

tistics  concerning  these  workers,  a  comparison  of  its  data  in  two 
different  reports  may  throw  some  light  upon  their  numbers.  In  the 
special  report  on  occupations  of  women  (based  on  the  population 
schedules)  the  number  of  dressmakers  16  years  of  age  and  over 
in  the  United  States  is  given  as  338, 144. *  In  the  report  on  manu- 
factures for  the  same  year  (based  on  establishment  schedules)  the 
number  of  women  aged  16  or  over  employed  in  custom  dressmak- 
ing is  given  as  40,835;  in  addition,  908  salaried  officials  are  given, 
and  the  number  of  establishments  is  placed  at  14,479.2  If  it  bo 
assumed  that  each  establishment  had  at  least  one  proprietor,  and 
if  these  be  added  to  the  salaried  officials  and  others  engaged  in 
dressmaking,  the  total  is  56,222.  Subtracting  this  figure  from 
the  338,144,  given  in  Statistics  of  Women  at  Work  as  representing 
the  number  of  dressmakers  in  the  United  States,  there  would  seem 
to  be  281,922  women  engaged  in  dressmaking  who  are  not  classed 
as  such  in  the  census  report  on  manufactures.  It  can  not  be  assumod 
that  all  of  these  are  women  who  make  dresses  at  home  or  go  out  by 
the  day;  various  causes  may  account  for  the  difference  between  the 
two  reports.  Nevertheless,  the  figures  are  significant  and  give  some 
idea  of  the  proportion  the  domestic  dressmaker  forms  of  the  total 
workers  in  the  trade. 

The  difficulty  of  determining  the  relative  importance  of  different 
types  of  dressmaking  is  much  increased  by  the  vagueness  with  which 
the  term  " dressmaker"  is  used.  Thus,  the  United  States  census  for 
1900  reported  6,312  dressmakers  in  Boston.3  But  what  is  the  defini- 
tion of  "  dressmakers ' '  and  how  are  they  distinguished  from  seam- 
stresses or  tailoresses  ?  The  census  does  not  enlighten  us.  The  census 
figures  by  occupations,  moreover,  include  both  employers  and  em- 
ployees, while  the  employees  include  not  only  the  skilled  workers  who 
might  legitimately  be  called  Ci  dressmakers, "  but  a  great  many  "  seam- 
stresses" or  plain  sewers  who  do  the  finishing  work  on  the  gowns. 
These  workers  may  have  reported  themselves  as  " dressmakers"  or 
"  seams  tresses"  to  the  census  enumerators.  Others  undoubtedly 
reported  themselves  as  dressmakers  who  were  not;  so  the  statistics 
are  far  from  satisfactory. 

The  term  " dressmaker"  is  so  vague  and  so  inaccurately  applied 
that  women  are  frequently  listed  as  dressmakers  in  the  city  direc- 
tory year  after  year  who  never  have  done  dressmaking  for  others  or 
who  work  only  occasionally.  A  Mrs.  G.  is  summarized  on  the  credit 
list  of  a  large  store  in  Worcester  as  follows:  "Above  is  not  a  dress- 
maker; never  was.  Said  she  was  not  when  questioned,  February 
1,  '07. "  Yet  she  was  still  so  listed  in  the  city  directory  for  1909. 

i  Special  Reports  of  the  Census  Office,  1900.    Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  70. 

a  United  States  Census,  1900.    Manufactures,  Vol.  IX,  Pt.  Ill,  p.  302. 

3  Special  Reports  of  the  Census  Office,  1900.    Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  222. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


27 


Others  who  do  some  dressmaking  may  not  be  reported.  A  house- 
keeper, occasionally  finding  spare  time  in  the  spring  or  fall,  goes 
into  a  large  dressmaking  shop  for  a  month  in  the  busy  season. 
She  is  not  a  dressmaker,  yet  may  be  put  under  that  heading  by  the 
census  enumerator.  Because  of  the  lack  of  a  fixed  definition  of  the 
terms  "  dressmaking "  and  "  dressmaker, "  statistics  by  occupation 
are  of  little  value  for  practical  or  educational  purposes. 

In  the  absence  of  complete  census  returns  we  are  forced  to  a  study 
of  local  conditions  to  discover  the  predominant  types  in  the  trade. 
The  Boston  city  directory  records  696  " mistress"  dressmakers  in 
1910,  of  whom  only  240,  or  about  one-third,  can  be  regarded  as  regu- 
lar employers.  Nearly  two-thirds  of  those  recorded  as  independent 
dressmakers  by  the  directory  are  day  or  home  workers,  showing  the 
surprising  extent  to  which  the  women's  clothing  trade  still  retains  its 
domestic  characteristics  in  a  city  like  Boston. 

The  following  table  shows  the  extent  of  custom  dressmaking  in 
the  cities  studied: 

TABLE  3.— EXTENT  OF  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  IN  5  CITIES  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


City. 

Popula- 
tion in 
1910.1 

Rank 
ac- 
cord- 
ing 
to 
size 
of 
city. 

Number     of     establish- 
ments in  cities,  based 
on  specified  sources. 

Number  employed,  based  on  specified 
sources. 

United 
States 
Census, 
1900.2 

City 
direc- 
tory, 
1910. 

Fac- 
tory 
in- 
spec- 
tor's 
re- 

1910.' 

In- 

vesti- 

tor's 
esti- 
mate. 
1910. 

United 
States 
Census, 
1900. 

Factory  inspec- 
tor's report, 
1910. 

Number 
reported 
in  shops 
visited. 

Men. 

Wo- 
men. 

Girls. 

Men. 

Wo- 
men. 

Boston  

670,585 
145,986 
106,  294 
104,839 
77,236 

1 

2 
4 
5 
10 

271 
56 
155 
15 
16 

696 
398 
217 
167 
149 

181 

B 

8 

240 
18 
33 
12 
2 

1,605 
645 
327 
24 
21 

97 

(3) 

L,« 

1 

40 

26 

2,032 
201 
50 
54 
10 

Lowell 

•': 

i  United  States  Census,  1910.     Population,  Vol.  II,  p.  862. 

*  The  United  States  census  of  1900  includes  only  the  shop  having  an  annual  product  of  $500  or  more. 
United  States  Census,  1900,  Manufactures,  Part  I,  pp.  xxxix  and  ecxlii-ccxlv.  The  census  of  1910  ex- 
cludes custom  dressmaking  entirely  from  the  reports  on  manufactures. 

3  Not  reported. 

While  in  Boston  only  about  one-third  of  the  dressmakers  given  in 
the  city  directory  were  employers,  the  proportion  was  even  smaller 
in  the  other  cities,  ranging  from  15.2  per  cent  in  Lowell  to  1.3  per 
cent  in  Sornerville.  This  difference  is  mainly  due  to  the  proximity 
of  the  other  cities  to  Boston,  which  makes  large  shops  not  only 
unnecessary  but  impracticable.  The  large  fashionable  custom 
shops  of  Boston  with  extensive  capital,  credit,  prestige,  and  close 
connection  with  European  centers  of  fashion  are  invincible  com- 
petitors in  the  high-class  trade.  The  large  department  stores  of 
Boston  offering  ready-made  clothing  compete  with  the  middle  and 


28 


BULLETIN-  OF    THE    BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


low-class  establishments.  Only  the  simpler  stages  of  the  trade, 
therefore,  are  found  in  Massachusetts  outside  of  Boston.1 

In  Worcester,  which  ranks  second  in  population  in  Massachusetts, 
only  18  of  the  398  dressmakers  listed  in  the  city  directory  could  be 
classed  as  regular  employers.  Fully  95  per  cent  were  home  or  day 
workers.2  Lowell,  though  ranking  as  the  fourth  city  in  the  State, 
is  a  great  textile  center,  with  absentee  owners  and  a  large  mill  popu- 
lation, and  has  developed  only  the  simple  stages  of  the  dressmaking 
trade.  Only  33  mistress  dressmakers  were  found  on  investigation.3 
In  Cambridge,  a  residence  and  manufacturing  city  with  a  popula- 
tion of  more  than  100,000,  only  about  a  dozen  dressmakers  could  be 
classed  as  employers  and  only  six  of  these  employed  six  or  more 
girls.  In  Sornerville,  primarily  a  residential  suburban  city  with  a 
population  of  77,236,  only  one  dressmaker  could  be  found  who  em- 
ployed three  or  four  girls,  and  one  with  six  or  eight  girls.  The  rest 
were  home  or  day  workers,  many  sewing  only  occasionally  for  friends 
and  others  working  in  Boston  shops. 

The  relative  importance  in  the  cities  studied  of  day  and  home 
workers, -.as  compared  with  custom  dressmakers,  is  shown  in  the 
following  table: 

TABLE  4.— TYPES  OF  DRESSMAKERS  IN  5  CITIES  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


Type  of  dressmakers. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Lowell. 

Cambridge. 

Somerville. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
be, 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Pel- 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Day   -workers    and    home 
dressmakers  1  

456 
240 

65.5 
34.5 

380 
18 

398 

95.5 
4.5 

1S4 
33 

84.8 
15.2 

155 
12 

92.8 
7.2 

147 

2 

98.7 
1.3 

1,322 
305 

81.3 

18.7 

Custom  dressmakers  l  
Total  - 

696 

100.0 

100.0 

217 

100.0  |     167 

100.0 

149    100.0 

1,627 

100.0 

Investigator's  estimate. 


-  According  to  city  directories,  1910. 


From  this  table  it  appears  that  the  "custom  dressmaker/'  using 
the  tenn  in  its  economic  sense  to  indicate  the  "  mis  tress  dressmaker," 
who  conducts  a  shop  of  her  own  and  makes  up  the  gowns  of  her 
customers  in  accordance  with  their  specific  demands,  forms  a  very 
small  proportion,  only  34  per  cent  of  those  reporting  themselves  as 
dressmakers  in  Boston,  15  per  cent  in  Lowell,  7  per  cent  in  Cambridge, 
loss  than  5  per  cent  in  Worcester,  and  about  1  per  cent  in  Somer- 

1  The  dressmaking  trade  of  Worcester,  Cambridge,  and  Somerville  was  studied  in  connection  with  a 
larger  investigation  on  the  industrial  opportunities  for  women  which  was  made  by  the  research  department 
for  the  State  board  of  education.    See  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  No.  17,  A  Trade 
School  for  Girls:  A  Preliminary  Investigation  in  a  Typical  Manufacturing  City,  Worcester,  Massachu- 
setts.   1913. 

2  This  statement  was  made  by  thecredit  clerk  in  the  largest  department  store  in  Worcester,  who  turned 
all  credit  records  over  to  the  investigator.   It  was  substantiated  by  personal  investigation. 

»  The  trade  in  Lowell  was  studied  under  the  direction  of  the  writer  by  Miss  Jennie  Clement,  a  senior  at 
Simmons  College. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  29  • 

vill.e.  The  home  and  day  workers,  who  form  from  85  to  99  per  cent 
of  the  independent  dressmakers  in  Worcester,  Lowell,  Cambridge, 
and  Somerville  and  66  per  cent  of  those  in  Boston,  never  appear  in 
official  statistics  for  the  trade,  yet  a  knowledge  of  the  opportunities 
and  demands  for  such  workers  is  essential  to  educators  and  voca^ 
tional  advisers. 

Custom  dressmaking,  like  the  factory  branch,  shows  a  tendency 
to  concentrate  in  cities  where  large  demands  necessitate  business 
and  industrial  organization,  and  here  only  are  the  various  types  of 
shops  and  methods  of  production  found.  Here  seven  distinct  sys- 
tems of  economic  production  are  seen  in  (1)  the  home  dressmaker 
who  sews  for  herself  and  family,  (2)  the  dressmaker  who  goes  out 
by  the  day,  (3)  the  "private  dressmaker,"  (4)  the  medium-sized 
shop  of  the  transition  stage  where  the  first  rudiments  of  division  of 
labor  appear,  (5)  the  large  shop  of  specialized  workers  and  marked 
division  of  labor,  (6)  the  commercialized  shop,  and  (7)  the  manu- 
facturing dressmaking  shop.  These  seven  stages  show  ascending 
stages  of  industrial  evolution  (1)  in  place  of  production,  (2)  in  method 
of  production,  and  (3)  in  relation  between  producer  and  consumer. 
The  first  stages  of  the  trade  show  a  close  relation  between  place  of 
production  and  the  home,  a  simple  system  of  production  where  the 
dressmaker  and  her  small  force  of  general  helpers  work  side  by  side, 
and  a  close  relation  between  producer  and  consumer.  The  more 
advanced  stages  show  continuous  evolution  toward  more  highly 
specialized  industrial  organization.  A  description  of  these  stages 
affords  a  picture  of  the  trade  as  it  exists  to-day. 

1.  THE  FAMILY  DRESSMAKER. 

The  family  system,  the  most  primitive  and  simplest  form  of  pro- 
duction, based  on  the  family  as  an  economic  unit,  still  exists  in  the 
twentieth  century  and  can  be  found  in  rural  parts  of  the  United 
States.  The  family  produces  for  family  needs  (at  least,  those  of  the 
feminine  element)  and  producer  and  consumer  are  identical.  It  is 
interest  ing  to  observe  in  this  connection,  however,  that  while  dresses 
and  hats  can  still  be  made  at  home  by  the  family,  shoes,  stockings, 
knit  underwear,  etc.,  have  been  entirely  monopolized  by  wholesale 
manufacturing. 

2.  THE  JOURNEYMAN  DRESSMAKER. 

The  dressmaker  who  goes  out  by  the  day  typifies  the  next  stage 
of  evolution,  the  so-called  help  or  hire  system,  in  which  the  industry 
has  developed  beyond  the  capacity  of  the  family  group,  and  assist- 
ance is  called  in  from  outside  sources.  The  producer  goes  to  the 
home  of  the  consumer  where  she  makes  up  the  materials  owned  and 
furnished  by  the  client  in  accordance  with  her  orders  and  sometimes 


30  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUBEAU    OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

with  her  cooperation.  She  works  "by  the  day/'  the  wage  usually 
including  luncheon  and  sometimes  dinner.1  This,  then,  is  but  one 
step  in  advance  of  the  family  system.  The  producer  who  supplies 
the  labor  force  is  not  a  member  of  the  family,  so  that  producer  and 
consumer  are  differentiated,  but  ownership  of  the  work  place,  the  raw 
materials  and  the  instruments  of  production  are  still  vested  in  the 
family,  which  also  retains  personal  supervision  of  the  work. 

In  spite  of  its  simplicity  as  an  economic  unit  of  production,  this 
primitive  stage  presents  a  wide  variation  in  the  character  and  ability 
of  the  workers  as  well  as  in  the  kind  of  work  done  and  shows  a  result- 
ant tendency  toward  specialization.  Some  day  workers  act  only  as 
"  seamstresses "  for  the  making  of  children's  clothing,  lingerie,  and 
simple  house  dresses,  receiving  from  $1  to  $1.50  a  day.  Others  go 
out  by  the  day  as  " full-fledged  dressmakers"  who  can  be  intrusted 
with  entire  charge  of  the  making  of  any  part  of  the  customer's  ward- 
robe. Such  work  requires  not  only  initiative  and  ability,  but  knowl- 
edge and  experience  in  designing,  cutting,  and  making,  and  conse- 
quently commands  a  corresponding  compensation.  A  capable  and 
trustworthy  dressmaker  of  this  class  can  command  from  $2  to  $4  a 
day.  A  good  worker  soon  acquires  an  extensive  clientele  and  the 
demand  often  far  exceeds  her  ability  to  supply  it,  so  she  must  either 
work  beyond  the  regular  eight  and  one-half  or  nine  hour  day,  or 
become  herself  an  employer,  with  one  or  more  helpers  at  $1  or  $1.50 
a  day. 

The  journeyman  stage  in  the  dressmaking  trade  has  also  an  im- 
portant place  in  England  and  France.  Even  in  Paris,  the  world's 
center  of  the  women's  clothing  trade,  a  proprietor  of  one  of  the  large 
shops  maintained  that  "the  very  great  number  of  home  dressmakers 
and  dressmakers  who  go  out  by  the  day  at  three  and  four  francs 
[58  and  77  cents]  (besides  meals)  and  even  two  francs  and  two  francs 
fifty  [39  and  48  cents],"  proved  one  of  the  three  greatest  sources  of 
competition  for  the  custom  dressmaker.  She  insisted  that  "there 
is  an  increase  of  these  workers,  who  penetrate  even  into  the  rich 
clientele  for  house  dresses  and  'transformations' ."2 

The  custom  system  in  which  the  mistress  dressmaker  establishes 
herself  in  her  own  shop  is  a  natural  development  from  the  journey- 
man stage  and  takes  the  form  of  either  (1)  the  "private  dressmaker" 
with  a  few  general  assistants,  (2)  the  transition  stage  seen  in  the 
small  shop  with  the  beginnings  of  division  of  labor  and  differentiation 
between  employer  and  worker,  or,  (3)  the  specialized  shop  in  which 
work  and  workers  are  highly  specialized. 

1  Similar  conditions  are  reported  for  the  day  workers  in  Paris.    See  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le 
Vetement  a  Paris,  pp.  406-408.    France,  Office  du  Travail. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  447. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOB  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


31 


3.  THE  PRIVATE  DRESSMAKER. 

As  the  "day  worker"  or  perhaps  "the  head  woman"1  of  a  larger 
shop  acquires  a  sufficiently  wide  acquaintance  and  experience  to  in- 
dulge her  aspiration  to  become  a  "mistress  dressmaker,"  the  first 
stage  of  custom  production  appears.  This  class  of  workers  is  in- 
creased by  the  young  woman  or  widow  thrown  upon  her  own  resources 
who  does  not  wish  to  go  out  by  the  day  or  the  wife  who  wishes  to 
augment  her  husband's  income,  and  can  not  withdraw  from  the  re- 
sponsibilities of  the  home.2  In  this  stage  the  dressmaker  has  become 
an  independent  producer,  provides  her  own  work  room  and  instru- 
ments of  production,  and  may  either  work  alone  or  employ  from  one 
to  six  assistants.  But  the  close  personal  relation  with  her  customers, 
who  are  almost  wholly  relatives  and  friends,  has  given  her  the  trade 
term  "private  dressmaker." 

The  following  table  shows  the  numerical  importance  of  the  private 
dressmaker  in  the  cities  studied: 


TABLE  5. 


-NUMBER  AND   PER  CENT  OF  SHOPS  OF  SPECIFIED  STAGES  OF  CUSTOM 
DRESSMAKING  IN  5  CITIES  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


Stage  of  dressmaking. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Lowell. 

Cambridge. 

Somerville. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Private  dressmakers 

Ill 

68 
63 
8 

46.3 
24.2 
26.2 
3.3 

16 
4 

8 

33.3 
22.2 

44.4 

28 
4 
1 

84.9 
12.1 
3.0 

18 
4 

66.7 
33.3 

1 
1 

50.0 
50.0 

154 
71 
72 

8 

50,5 
23.3 
23.6 
2.6 

Transition       

Specialization 

Commercial 

Total 

240 

100.0 

18 

100.0 

33 

100.0 

12 

100.0 

2 

100.0 

305 

100.0 

1  The  larger  proportion  of  private  dressmakers  do  not  show  here  because  those  employing  only  casual 
workers  were  not  visited. 

It  is  significant  that  the  private  dressmaker  constitutes  the  largest 
proportion  of  "mistress  dressmakers"  in  all  five  cities  studied,  ranging 
from  one-third  in  Worcester  to  more  than  four-fifths  in  Lowell. 
Almost  one-half  (46.3  per  cent)  of  the  custom  dressmakers  of  Boston 
came  within  this  elementary  stage  of  the  trade. 

While  this  first  phase  of  the  custom  system  shows  some  variation 
in  the  place  of  production  and  in  the  relation  between  producer  and 
consumer,  the  system  is  fairly  uniform.3  The  shop  of  the  private 
dressmaker  shows  still  a  close  relation  to  the  horns,  and  private 
dressmakers  were  discovered  in  a  single  room  in  a  house  or  in  small 
suites  of  rooms,  combining  living  and  business  quarters,  and  tucked 
away  in  the  back  and  on  the  upper  floors  of  a  business  building.  A 

1  See  schedules  presented  by  Office  du  Travail  (France).    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vehement  a 
Paris,  pp.  414,  417,  419. 

2  Op.  cit.,  pp.  410,  411,  412. 

J  Op.  cit.,  pp.  409,  523.    Also  Makers  of  our  Clothes,  Meyer  and  Black ,  pp.  90, 91. 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


lew  had  one  or  two  room  shops  in  the  business  district,  which  were 
used  for  business  purposes  only.  The  majority  had  no  sign  or 
business  advertisement  of  any  sort,  depending  wholly  on  the  per- 
sonal relation  with  customers  to  spread  then*  fame.  In  Cambridge 
and  Somerville  all  dressmakers  carried  on  their  business  in  their 
homes;  but  in  Boston,  Worcester,  and  Lowell  more  variation  was 
discovered.  But  13  of  the  27  visited  in  Boston  combined  living  and 
working  quarters,  while  5  out  of  6  employing  regular  help  in  Worces- 
ter, and  4  out  of  9  in  Lowell,  maintained  the  shop  in  the  home.1 

The  workroom  of  .the  private  dressmaker  in  the  home  is  usually 
large,  well  lighted,  and  adequate  for  the  small  force  employed;  but 
a  few  very  small  workrooms  were  discovered  in  a  business  block 
where  the  rents  were  high.  In  some  cases  a  small  separate  room  and 
in  others  a  single  room  divided  by  curtains  constituted  the  work- 
room, in  which  cases  the  light  and  ventilation  were  insufficient.  In 
this  system  of  production  the  dressmaker  is  herself  still  the  actual 
producer.  She  meets  the  customers,  plans  and  designs  the  gowns 
(with  or  without  the  advice  of  the  customer),  cuts,  fits,  sews,  and 
does  the  mam  part  of  the  work.  The  majority  of  private  dress- 
makers in  the  five  cities  studied  either  employed  no  helpers  or  took 
on  a  casual  worker,  usually  an  older  woman,  in  the  rush  season, 
preferring  the  older  seamstresses  because  they  required  less  super- 
vision and  direction.  The  professional  dressmaker,  however,  who 
has  a  definite  clientele  and  does  a  fairly  high  class  of  work  usually 
employs  from  two  to  six  helpers,  and  prefers  young  girls  just 
acquiring  the  trade.  The  younger  workers,  they  say,  bring  a  fresh- 
ness and  originality  into  the  work,  but  after  several  years'  expe- 
rience the  more  capable  are  ready  for  promotion  beyond  the  oppor- 
tunities offered  in  a  small  shop.  "My  girls  must  go  somewhere  else 
when  they  have  gotten  beyond  the  $9  stage,"  said  one  dressmaker. 
"I  have  no  need  for  the  specialized  or  expert  worker." 

According  to  the  number  of  their  employees,  the  private  dress- 
makers visited  in  each  city  were  grouped  as  follows: 

TABLI:  6.— SIZE  OF  WORKING  FORCE  OF  PRIVATE  DRESSMAKERS  VISITED  IN  5  CITIES 

IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 


Size  of  force. 

Number  of  shops  having  specified  number  of  workers  in— 

Boston. 

Worces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Lowell. 

Somer- 
ville. 

Total. 

No  workers  

,1 

11 

1 
4 
2 

11 
1 
..... 

213 

24 
21 

4 

1  to  3  workers  

3 

2 
1 

1 
G 
2 

4  Ui  r>  workers  

V  to  8  workers  

Total  

27 

7 

0 

9 

13 

t>2 

»?ee  similar  state  of  affairs  quoted  in  schedules  in  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II.  Le  Veteraent  a  Paris, 
pp.  40!),  414.  4H\,  418.     France.  Orlk-e  du  Travail 
-Not  included  in  Table  5. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TEADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.   •       33 

The  beginner  has  a  good  opportunity  for  learning  her  trade  in 
the  shop  of  the  private  dressmaker,  first,  because  she  works  under 
the  immediate  supervision  of  her  employer,  and  second,  because  as 
the  work  is  not  highly  specialized  she  is  not  confined  to  one  process. 
The  organization  of  the  force  is  simple  and  informal,  the  workers 
sitting  about  the  employer,  who  does  the  skilled  part  of  the  work 
and  turns  it  over  to  the  helpers,  finishers,  or  plain  sewers,  by  what- 
ever term  they  may  be  called,  for  the  simpler  processes,  such  as 
sewing  on  hooks,  eyes,  and  buttons,  making  button  holes,  collars, 
ornaments  for  trimmings,  basting  and  seaming  up  linings,  sewing 
and  overcasting  straight  seams,  and  putting  on  braid.  Since  there 
is  little  division  of  work,  the  young  learner  under  the  supervision  of 
her  employer  has  opportunity  to  acquire  general  training  and  expe- 
rience on  all  parts  of  the  gown  and  to  see  the  relation  of  the  parts 
to  each  other. 

The  wage  scale  of  the  private  dressmaker  commonly  ranges  from 
S3  to  $9.  The  young  learner  usually  earns  from  S3  to  $5  a  week  and 
the  older  or  more  experienced  worker  from  S6  to  $9.  This  wage 
scale  remains  the  same  for  this  type  of  worker,  the  plain  sewer, 
throughout  all  the  stages  of  her  trade. 

The  business  relation  between  producer  and  consumer  is  simple. 
The  consumer  comes  to  the  producer  instead  of  vice  versa  as  in  the 
journeyman  stage,  and  in  the  smaller  shops  may  provide  all  materials 
and  trimmings  and  determine  in  detail  how  the  gown  shall  be  made. 
In  the  more  advanced  stages,  however,  the  producer  furnishes  some 
or  all  of  the  materials  and  turns  over  the  finished  product  to  the  con- 
sumer, thus  profiting  by  the  rebate  (10  per  cent  in  Boston)  allowed 
by  the  furnishing  stores.1  In  the  private  dressmaker  stage,  therefore, 
producer  and  consumer  are  removed  one  step  farther  in  that  the 
workroom,  instruments  of  production,  and,  in  the  more  advanced 
stages,  the  materials  are  provided  by  the  producer  instead  of  by  the 
consumer.  The  private  dressmaker,  however,  still  remains  in  var}T- 
ing  degrees  the  worker,  according  as  she  does  or  does  not  delegate  the 
work  to  her  helpers. 

4.  THE  DRESSMAKER  OF  THE  TRANSITION  STAGE. 

The  second  stage  of  custom  work  is  distinctly  one  of  transition 
from  the  primitive  stages  of  close  personal  relationship  between  pro- 
ducer and  consumer,  and  identity  of  employer  and  worker,  to  the 
more  highly  developed  stages  involving  increasing  division  of  labor. 
In  this  stage  are  seen  the  beginnings  of  differentiation  between  con- 
tractor and  producer,  employer  and  worker,  and  gradations  among 

1  M.  du  Maroussem  says  the  large  furnishing  stores  of  Paris  allow  2  to  3  per  cent  rebate  to  dressmakers. 
Fiance,  Office  du  Travail.  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  pp.  426,  441. 

29883°— Bull.  193—16 3 


34  BULLETIX    OF    THE   BUEEAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

the  workers  according  to  their  skill,  capacity,  and  wage.  As  the 
trade  grows,  the  employer's  time*  is  increasingly  occupied  with  cus- 
tomers and  buying  on  the  one  side,  and  with  the  greater  amount  of 
work  to  be  arranged  and  supervised  on  the  other.  So  with  decreasing 
time  and  increasing  work,  the  employer  must  delegate  some  of  her 
work  to  "heads,"  and  the  advantage  of  more  specialization  of  workers 
and  further  division  of  labor  becomes  apparent. 

The  dressmaker  of  this  stage  occupies  a  smaller  place  in  the  trade, 
forming  about  one-fourth  of  those  studied  in  Boston  and  Worcester, 
one-third  in  Cambridge,  and  one-eighth  in  Lowell.1  In  Cambridge 
and  Somerville  and,  with  but  one  exception,  in  Lowell,  this  is  the 
highest  stage  of  development  found  in  the  trade.  There  are  about 
60  establishments  of  this  type  in  Boston,  4  each  in  Worcester,  Cam- 
bridge, and  Lowell,  and  1  in  Somerville.  The  dressmakers  in  Cam- 
bridge, Lowell,  and  Somerville  carry  on  the  business  in  the  home. 
The  four  in  Worcester  had  shops  in  a  business  block,  and  only  five  of 
the  twenty-seven  visited  in  Boston  combine  home  and  shop.  The  ma- 
jority of  the  shops  consist  of  suites  of  two  rooms,  the  reception  and  fit- 
ting room  and  the  workroom,  located  in  large  business  buildings  in  the 
business  section.  Signs  on  doors  and  windows  advertising  the  place 
and  kind  of  work  now  become  more  common.  The  private  dress- 
maker works  for  personal  friends  and  relatives.  The  dressmaker  of 
the  stage  of  transition  seeks  the  patronage  of  a  more  general  public. 
She  therefore  moves  her  shop  to  a  more  conspicuous  and  accessible 
location  and  seeks  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  casual  passer-by. 

The  dressmaker  of  the  transition  stage  delegates  her  duties  in 
varying  degrees,  according  to  the  size  of  her  force  and  her  trade. 
Although  she  devotes  her  time  increasingly  to  the  business  nianage- 
ment  and  the  supervision  and  direction  of  the  production,  she  still 
cuts  and  fits  the  gown,  and,  in  the  smaller  shops,  retains  in  her  own 
hands  one  or  several  of  the  more  skilled  processes.  The  degree  to 
which  responsibility  is  delegated  in  shops  of  different  sizes  is  illus- 
trated by  the  following  data  concerning  the  working  force  of  two 
fairly  representative  shops : 

Shop  N,  with  a  maximum  force  of  7  workers,  has2 — 

2  waist  girls,  of  whom — 

1  head  waist  girl  receives  $12. 
1  finisher  receives  $8. 
1  coat  girl,  who  receives  $12. 

3  skirt  girls,  who  receive  $8,  $7,  and  $5,  respectively. 
1  plain  sewer,  who  receives  $5. 

Shop  K,  with  a  maximum  force  of  11  workers,  has — 

4  waist  girls,  of  whom — 

1  head  waist  girl  receives  $9.50. 

3  finishers  receive  $7,  $6,  and  $5,  respectively. 

i  See  Table  5,  p.  31.  «  Based  on  pay  rolls. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


35 


1  coat  girl,  who  receives  $12. 
4  skirt  girls,  of  whom — 

1  head  skirt  girl  receives  $14.50. 

3  finishers  receive  $8,  $7,  and  $6r  respectively. 
1  errand  girl,  who  receives  $1.50. 
1  office  girl,  who  receives  $8. 

In  shop  N  a  head  waist  girl  or  ''draper"  drapes  the  soft,  delicate 
materials  on  the  figure,  and  must  put  them  together  so  they  will  have 
artistic  lines  but  fit  the  figure  snugly,  which  requires  artistic  sense, 
deftness,  and  skill.  The  coat  girl  works  with  heavy,  so-called 
11  mannish"  materials,  which  she  must  put  together  so  they  will  fit 
the  figure  but  retain  the  loose  mannish  effect  and  have  the  tailored 
appearance.  Such  work  requires  much  greater  strength,  precision, 
and  accuracy.  The  employer  in  this  shop  still  retains  charge  of  the 
skirts,  delegating  the  simpler  processes  to  the  "plain  sewers."  In 
shop  K  the  employer  has  delegated  the  more  skilled  work  on  waists, 
coats,  and  skirts  to  a  head  girl  in  each  of  these  sections,  and  has  also 
intrusted  some  of  the  business  management  to  an  office  girl  or  book- 
keeper. The  increased  force  and  trade  has  necessitated  increased 
delegation  of  the  responsibility  to  special  workers. 

As  shown  in  the  following  table  the  characteristic  working  force 
of  the  shop  of  the  transition  type  in  Boston  ranges  from  5  to  15 
girls,  in  Worcester  from  5  to  12,  in  Cambridge  and  Lowell  from  5 
to  10,  and  in  Somerville  from  5  to  8.  Thus,  an  interesting  relation 
between  the  size  of  the  force  and  the  city  in  which  it  does  business 
is  apparent. 

TABLE  7.— SIZE  OF  WORKING  FORCE  OF  DRESSMAKERS  OF  THE  TRANSITION  STAGE 
IN  5  CITIES  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

(Based  on  reports  of  employers.] 


Size  of  force. 

Number  of  shops  having  specified  number  of  workers  in— 

Boston. 

Worces- 
ter. 

Lowell.' 

Cam- 
bridge.* 

Somer- 
ville. 

Total. 

5  to  8  workers 

11 
10 
4 

2 

2 

3 
1 

1 

17 
14 
4 

9  to  12  workers  .  . 

1 

13  to  15  workers 

Total  

25 

4 

1 

4 

1 

35 

1  No  shop  in  this  city  employed  more  than  10  workers. 

About  one-half  (25)  of  the  shops  in  the  stage  of  transition  in 
Boston,  one  of  the  four  in  Lowell,  and  all  that  could  be  found  in 
Worcester  (4),  Cambridge  (4),  and  Somerville  (1),  were  visited. 

The  wage  scale  of  the  shop  of  the  transition  stage  shows  the  intro- 
duction of  the  more  skilled  workers.  While  the  $3  to  $9  scale  was 
characteristic  of  the  private  dressmaking  shop,  the  $9  to  $15  rate 
appears  for  the  "heads"  in  the  larger  shop.  The  "head  girl"  in 


36 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


the  smaller  shop  or  "the  waist  draper"  or  "skirt  draper"  in  the 
larger  shop  who  assumes  any  initiative  or  responsibility  receives  a 
weekly  wage  of  $9  to  $10.  In  the  Boston  shops  the  majority  of 
waist  drapers  fall  within  the  $10  to  $12  group,  the  skirt  drapers 
being  in  the  $10  group,  since  their  work  does  not  offer  or  require  so 
much  opportunity  for  originality  of  ideas  and  for  artistic  and  con- 
structive ability.  In  the  suburban  cities,  where  the  force  is  smaller 
and  work  perhaps  of  not  so  high  a  grade,  the  head  girl  or  draper 
frequently  receives  $9,  and  only  one  instance  of  a  wage  of  more  than 
$10  was  discovered. 

TABLE  8.— MAXIMUM  WEEKLY  WAGE   OF    TWO  CLASSES  OF  SKILLED  WORKERS  IN 
SHOPS  OF  THE  TRANSITION  STAGE,  BY  SIZE  OF  FORCE. 

[Based  on  reports  of  35  employers  visited.] 


Size  of  force. 

Boston. 

Smaller  cities.i 

Waist  drapers. 

Skirt     ' 
drapers. 

Waist  drapers. 

Skirt 
drapers. 

$9 

$12 

$15 

$10 

$12 

$9 

$10 

$11 

$9 

$10 

Under  6  workers 

2 

2 

1 

6 

6  and  under  9  workers  

1 

5 
5 
9 

6 

5 

1 

1 

9  and  under  12  workers  

1 

4 

10 

2 

12  and  under  16  workers 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

Total  

2 

21 

1 

22 

2 

2 

6 

1 

8 

i  Worcester,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  and  Somerville. 

The  "sleeve  girl"  when  employed  in  the  larger  shop  of  the  transi- 
tion stage  receives  from  $7.50  to  $9.  She  makes  the  sleeves,  but  is 
necessarily  subordinate  to  the  head  waist  girl,  who  must  plan  the 
waist  as  a  whole.  One  shop  in  Worcester  reported  a  coat  maker  at 
$9  and  three  in  Boston  a  coat  maker  at  $10  to  $15.  Three  reported 
so-called  forewomen  at  $15,  who  cut  the  materials  and  supervised 
the  workroom  in  general,  thus  anticipating  the  stage  of  specialization 
in  which  the  hired  supervisors  or  heads  of  the  workroom  are  com- 
mon.1 The  wage  of  the  skilled  workers  varies  with  individual  skill 
and  with  the  amount  of  responsibility  assumed  and  corresponds  to 
a  certain  extent  to  the  size  of  the  force,  and  to  the  extent  to  which 
the  employer  retains  supervision  of  work  and  workers.  The  wage 
scale  for  the  finishers  and  plain  sewers  remains  the  same  as  in  the 
private  shops. 

In  the  workroom  of  the  shop  of  the  transition  stage  the  young 
worker's  opportunity  to  acquire  her  trade  is  even  better  than  in  the 
shop  of  the  private  dressmaker.  She  still  comes  under  the  personal 

t  See  also  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin;  Great  Britain,  Royal  Com- 
mission on  Labor,  1893;  Condition  of  Work  in  Scotland,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  292.  Also  Women  and  the 
Clothing  Trade  in  Amsterdam,  by  Mme.  Treub-Cornaz,  Women's  Industrial. News,  London,  September, 
1901,  p.  250,  concerning  division  of  labor. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.          37 

supervision  and  direction  of  her  employer,  gains  a  fairly  general  expe- 
rience, works  on  a  higher  class  product,  and  under  more  systematized 
management.  The  work  is  still  fairly  regular  and  continuous,  though 
less  so  than  in  the  private  shop. 

The  furnishing  by  the  dressmaker  of  materials  chosen  from  sam- 
ples now  becomes  the  more  common  method  of  doing  business.  This 
affords  a  distinct  profit  to  the  dressmaker  hi  the  rebates  allowed  by 
furnishing  houses,  but  is  counterbalanced  by  the  necessity  of 
increased  capital  and  credit.  A  large  force  of  more  specialized  and 
consequently  more  highly  paid  help  necessitates  heavier  expenses 
and  the  business  system  necessitates  large  purchases  in  advance.  As 
a  result  the  problem  of  capital  now  assumes  increasing  proportions. 

5.  THE  DRESSMAKER  OF  THE  SHOP  OF  SPECIALIZED  WORKERS. 

The  stage  of  specialization  in  custom  dressmaking  was  presaged  in 
the  transition  stage.  Increasing  demands  by  the  customers  on  her 
time  and  attention  and  the  increased  size  of  her  force  and  of  the 
amount  of  work  gradually  force  the  employer  to  relinquish  still  fur- 
ther to  employees  the  more  important  phases  of  production  as  well 
as  the  supervision  of  details.  However,  the  large  shop  of  specialized 
workers  is  characteristic  only  of  the  larger  cities.  No  shops  of  this 
type  were  found  in  Cambridge  and  Somerville,  but  more  than  one- 
fourth  of  the  shops  visited  in  Boston  (26.2  per  cent)  and  almost  one- 
half  (44.4  per  cent)  of  those  visited  in  Worcester  came  within  this 
class. 

The  shop  of  this  stage  assumes  increasingly  the  appearance  of  a 
business  establishment.  The  large  quarters  are  emphasized  and 
advertised  by  gilt  signs  on  the  door  and  on  many  windows  over- 
looking the  street.  On  entering  the  reception  room,  a  wide  selection 
of  materials,  laces,  embroideries,  and  trimmings  of  all  sorts  may 
tempt  the  eye  of  the  visitor,  or  the  room  may  present  the  luxurious 
appearance  of  a  private  parlor.  Separate  fitting  rooms  and  work- 
rooms lead  off  the  reception  room,  and  a  separate  workroom  for  each 
division  of  production,  as  a  skirt  room,  sleeve  room,  waist  room,  and 
tailoring  room,  is  observed  in  many  of  the  larger  shops.1  Only  occa- 
sionally is  a  shop  of  this  kind  found  in  the  home  of  the  dressmaker, 
though  one  of  the  largest  dressmakers  in  Boston,  employing  100 
workers,  and  one  in  Worcester  with  24  or  25  employees,  carry  on 
their  business  hi  the  large  residences  where  they  make  their  homes. 
Even  at  this  stage,  which  involves  large  finances,  women  predominate, 
although  to  succeed  here  a  woman  must  combine  shrewd  business 
capacity  with  a  high  degree  of  professional  skill  and  artistic  ingenuity. 

1  Similar  division  of  labor  and  specialized  workers  characterize  the  large  shops  of  Paris.  See  description 
of  shops  in  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vehement  a  Paris,  p.  447.  France,  Office  du  Travail.  Also 
Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  Glasgow,  p.  33. 


38 


BULLETIN   OF   THE  BUREAU   OF   LABOR  STATISTICS. 


Men  are  found  in  the  trade  at  this  stage,  however.  Sometimes  a 
husband  or  brother  has  charge  of  the  financial  department  and  some- 
times a  man  appears  as  sole  head  of  such  an  establishment,  while  a 
man  tailor  occasionally  combines  dressmaking  with  his  tailoring 
department  to  meet  the  needs  of  his  customers  and  better  to  solve 
and  equalize  the  seasonal  difficulties.  As  the  street  suit  needs  waists 
and  blouses,  the  more  progressive  tailor  is  adding  a  department  for 
waists,  which  occasionally  develops  into  a  dressmaking  department. 
Virginia  Penny  wrote  in  1863,  "In  Germany  many  dressmakers  are 
men,  and  there  is  one  on  Broadway,  New  York,"1  but  the  develop- 
ment and  popularity  of  the  tailor-made  suit  in  the  last  half  century 
has  greatly  increased  the  opportunity  for  and  number  of  men  in  the 
dressmaking  trade.2 

The  size  of  the  establishment  and  of  the  working  force  varies  widely 
in  the  shops  of  the  specialized  workers.  As  shown  in  the  following 
table,  one-half  of  the  shops  visited  in  Boston  and  Worcester  employed 
from  12  to  18  workers;  about  one-fourth  of  the  shops  in  each  city 
employed  from  20  to  25.  Eleven  visited  in  Boston  and  one  in 
Worcester  employed  from  30  to  60,  and  one  exceptionally  large  shop 
hi  Boston  employed  112  workers. 

TABLE  9.— SIZE  OF  THE  WORKING  FORCE  IN  SHOPS  OF  THE  SPECIALIZATION  STAGE 
IN  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER. 

[Based  on  employers'  reports.] 


Size  of  force. 

Number  of  shops  having  speci- 
fied number  of  employees  in— 

Boston. 

Worces- 
ter. 

Total. 

12  to  18  workers 

21 
9 
112 

5 
2 

21 

26 
11 
13 

20  to  25  workers  

30  workers  or  more 

Total                

42 

8 

50 

1  One  shop  had  a  force  of  112  workers.       2  Force  of  30  workers. 

In  the  majority  of  the  shops  of  specialized  workers  the  employer 
still  retains  the  planning,  cutting,  and  fitting  of  the  gowns,  but  in  7 
of  the  50  shops  visited  she  had  delegated  even  these  most  skilled 
processes.  In  shop  B,  with  a  maximum  force  of  65,3  the  distribution 
and  wages  of  the  employees  are  as  follows : 

1  head  w^ist  girl  receives  $30,  and  supervises — 
9  waist  drapers,  of  whom — 
2  receive  $15. 

1  receives  $12. 

2  receive  $11. 
4  receive  $10. 


1  The  Employments  of  Women,  by  Virginia  Penny,  p.  324.      2  See  Table  1.     3  Based  on  pay  rolls. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          39 

11  finishers,  of  whom — 

3  receive  from  $9  to  $9.50. 

4  receive  from  $8  to  $8.50. 

2  receive  from  $6  to  $6.50. 
1  receives  $4. 

1  receives  $3. 

1  head  of  linings  receives  $12. 
1  power  machine  operator  receives  $12. 
1  head  sleeve  girl  receives  $15,  and  supervises — 

4  finishers,  who  receive  $10,  $9,  $7.50,  and  $5.50,  respectively. 
1  head  tailor  (man)  receives  $45,  and  supervises— 

6  tailors,  of  whom — 

1  man  receives  $22. 

3  men  receive  $21. 

2  women  receive  $15. 
3  finishers,  of  whom— 

2  receive  $10. 

1  receives  $2.50. 

1  head  skirt  girl  receives  $24,  and  supervises— 
22  assistants,  of  whom— 

2  receive  $14. 
1  receives  $13. 

1  receives  $12. 

2  receive  $11. 
2  receive  $10. 

5  receive  $9  to  $9.50. 
5  receive  $8  to  $8.50. 

1  receives  $7.50. 

2  receive  $5. 
1  receives  $3. 

4  office  girls  receive  $14,  $10,  $8.50,  and  $5.50. 

The  head  waist  girl,  head  skirt  girl,  and  tailor  plan  in  consultation 
with  their  employer  the  different  gowns  and  execute  the  work  in  their 
respective  departments.  Seven  shops  reported  one  or  more  men 
tailors.  The  tailor  (or  head  tailor  where  several  are  employed)  is 
usually  also  a  cutter,  and  receives  from  $18  to  $45  a  week,  according 
to  the  degree  of  skill  and  responsibility. 

The  employer  in  the  stage  of  specialization  as  in  that  of  transition 
is  increasingly  delegating  her  powers.  The  size  of  the  force  and  the 
amount  of  responsibility  assumed,  therefore,  explain  the  variation  in 
the  wage  of  the  head  workers.  In  a  shop  employing  12  to  18  workers, 
the  employer  still  retains  general  supervision  of  the  work.  In  shops 
employing  20  to  40  workers,  the  responsibility  is  increasingly  assumed 
by  the  head  girls,  while  in  a  force  of  60  to  100  each  head  worker  is 
practically  in  charge  of  her  section  of  the  work,  and  occupies  the 
place  which  the  employers  hold  in  the  stages  of  transition. 


40 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOE    STATISTICS. 


The  following  table  shows  the  relation  between  the  size  of  the  work- 
ing force  and  the  wages  of  the  skilled  workers : 

TABLE  1O MAXIMUM  WEEKLY  WAGE  OF  THREE  CLASSES  OF  SKILLED  WORKERS  IN 

SHOPS  OF  THE  SPECIALIZATION  STAGE,  BY  SIZE  OF  FORCE.i 

[Based  on  reports  of  49  employers  visited.] 


Number  of  shops  reporting  classified  maximum  wage  for  — 

Waist  drapers. 

Skirt  drapers. 

Sleeve  drapers. 

Size  of  force  in— 

$10 
and 
un- 
der 

$12 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

$15 
and 
un- 
der 

$20 

$20  ! 
and  !  $25 
un-  j  and 
der  'over. 
$25  | 

$10 
and 
un- 
der 
$12 

5 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

$15 
and 
un- 
der 
$20 

$20 
and 
un- 
der 
$25 

$25 
and 
over. 

$9 
and 
un- 
der 

$12 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

$15 

and 
un- 
der 

$20 

Boston:  2 
12  and  under  20  workers 

1 

5 
1 
2 

3 

13 
3 
2 

2 
1 

3 

7 
5 

5 
2 

2 

1 

3 
2 
3 

3 
2 
3 

20  and  under  30  workers 

1 

4 

3 
3 

2 
1 

30  workers  and  over 

1 

1 

4 
3 

Worcester: 
12  and  under  20  workers 

20  and  under  30  workers 

1 

1 

1 

1 

30  workers 

1 

1 



1 

1      ; 

1-"T""i  I  

1  See  similarity  of  conditions  presented  in  Twenty-sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statis- 
tics of  New  York,  1908,  p.  158. 

2  Not  all  shops  reported  on  all  workers. 

The  head  waist  girl  earns  from  $10  to  $15  in  a  force  of  12  to  18 
workers;  $12  to  $25  in  a  force  of  20  to  40  workers,  and  $18  to  $35  in 
a  force  of  60  to  100  workers.  The  head  skirt  girl  earns  from  $10  to 
$18  in  a  force  of  12  to  18  workers,  $10  to  $20  in  a  force  of  20  to  60 
workers,  and  $20  as  a  minimum  in  a  force  of  80  to  100  workers. 

In  the  stage  of  transition  the  employer  assumed  general  responsi- 
bility and  the  direction  of  production.  Nine  to  fifteen  dollar  drapers 
on  waists  and  skirts  performed  the  more  skilled  work  and  finishers  and 
helpers  did  the  simpler  processes.  In  the  stage  of  specialization  the 
employer  delegates  the  responsibility  and  the  direction  of  the  processes 
to  head  waist,  skirt,  and  sleeve  drapers,  these  positions  being  merely 
superimposed  on  the  system  of  organization  of  the  smaller  shops. 
The  $18  to  $35  draper,  now  taking,  in  a  certain  degree,  the  place  of 
the  employer  of  the  transition  stage,  supervises  the  $9  to  $15  drapers, 
who  are  in  turn  assisted  by  the  $6  to  $10  finishers. 

Miss  Irwin,  in  the  report  of  her  investigation  of  the  dressmaking 
trade  in  Glasgow,  notes  the  "great  discrepancy  in  wage  *  *  * 
between  the  rank  and  file  and  the  'first'  and  ' second7  hand,  but,  of 
course,"  she  says,  "  there  is  a  corresponding  difference  in  their  respec- 
tive skill  and  ability,"  1  which  is  quite  obviously  the  situation  in 
Boston.  The  advanced  stages  of  the  trade  require  at  the  one  extreme 
mere  mechanical  labor  and  continual  repetition  of  several  processes. 
The  workers  capable  of  meeting  this  demand  are  numerous,  the  value 


»  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  36.    See  also  Le  Salaire  des 
Femmes,  par  Poisson,  p.  72,  and  La  Femme  dans  1'Industrie,  par  Gonnard,  p.  109. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          41 

of  their  work  is  comparatively  small,  and  their  compensation  is  corre- 
<pondingly  low.  At  the  other  extreme  is  offered  the  opportunity  for 
originality,  initiative,  highest  artistic  skill,  judgment,  administrative 
ability,  and  tact.  Few  workers  possess  or  can  acquire  these  qualifi- 
cations, and  the  demand  for  those  who  have  them  greatly  exceeds 
the  supply.  But,  though  few  can  qualify  for  these  higher  positions, 
" still  the  chances  are  there/'  as  Miss  Irwin  expresses  it,  "and  are  to 
the  dressmaker's  apprentice  what  the  marshal's  baton  was  in  the 
knapsack  of  Napoleon's  young  recruit." 

The  opportunity  for  the  young  worker  in  a  large  specialized  work- 
room is  problematical.  Ordinarily  she  must  enter  as  an  errand  girl 
whose  work,  specialized  like  that  of  all  the  others,  seldom  leaves  time 
or  opportunity  for  learning  the  sewing  processes.  If  a  girl  by  her 
own  ability  secures  a  transfer  to  the  sewing  room,  Or  if  she  has  suffi- 
cient maturity  and  capacity  to  enter  as  a  sewer,  she  still  faces  great 
difficulties.  The  workshop  is  divided  into  separate  sections  or  work- 
rooms where  particular  parts  of  the  work  are  turned  out.  The 
workrooms  are  large  but  crowded  and  rushed  in  the  busy  season, 
and  the  organization  is  much  more  formal  than  in  a  small  shop.  A 
"head  girl"  assumes  responsibility  for  a  certain  part  of  the  gown,  and 
her  subordinate  workers  are  usually  grouped  around  a  table  over 
which  she  presides.  The  work  for  the  day  is  systematically  planned; 
she  distributes  the  work  among  her  drapers  and  finishers,  each  of 
whom  does  one  process  only.  She  must  make  her  division  pay,  and 
has  therefore  little  time  or  inclination  to  divert  her  attention  to 
systematic  training  of  inexperienced  young  workers,  so  the  learner 
must  "pick  up"  the  trade  as  best  she  can,  if  the  head  girl  allows  her 
to  remain  at  all.  When  she  has  acquired  proficiency  in  one  process, 
it  is  not  surprising  if  neither  she  nor  her  employer  is  inclined  to 
change  her  employment.  The  employee  must  complete  her  work 
promptly  and  satisfactorily,  and  the  young  girl  is  contented  with  the 
easily  and  quickly  acquired  processes.  The  young  worker,  therefore, 
becomes  in  time  a  sleeve  finisher,  waist  finisher,  or  skirt  finisher,  and 
may  never  see  the  relation  of  her  section  of  the  work  to  the  whole. 
"I  make  sleeves  all  day  long/'  said  one  girl  in  a  large  shop,  "and 
never  see  the  waists  to  which  they  belong.  The  waists  are  made  in 
another  room."  l 

The  large  shop  does,  however,  have  two  great  advantages  by  which 
the  girl  gifted  with  initiative  and  ability  profits — the  high-class  work 
and  the  highly  paid  positions.  The  high  class  of  work  provides  a 
valuable  training  which  could  not  be  acquired  elsewhere.  "I  could 
make  more  money,"  said  a  young  girl  who  came  in  each  day  from  a 
suburban  city,  "by  working  for  a  dressmaker  at  home.  After  seeing 

1  Mme.  TreulvCornaz  describes  a  similar  situation  in  Amsterdam.    Women's  Industrial  Xews,  Septem- 
ber, 1901,  p.  250. 


42  BULLETIN    OF    THE    BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

the  kind  of  work  done  I  couldn't  be  induced  to  work  there.  She 

is  a  ' regular  country  dressmaker.7  I  love  to  work  at  W 's..  I 

am  working  right  under  the  head  sleeve  girl  and  learning  how  to 
drape  sleeves.  We  work  with  beautiful  materials."  The  highly  paid 
positions  in  a  large  shop  are  open  to  the  gifted  worker.  Individual 
instances  of  rising  from  errand  girl  to  head  girl,  draper,  or  fitter  are 
occasionally  encountered,  though  opportunities  for  such  advance- 
ment decrease  with  the  increasing  specialization  in  industry  and  the 
consequent  lack  of  opportunity  to  acquire  training. 

The  employer  of  the  large  shop  furnishes  all  the  materials.  She 
may  produce  a  garment  at  a  price  based  on  an  itemized  computation 
of  the  cost  of  work  and  materials,  as  in  the  previous  stage,  or  she 
may  name  a  set  or  contract  price  for  the  completed  gown  sufficient 
to  cover  various  possible  contingencies,  such  as  long  credit  and  several 
changes  of  mind  on  the  part  of  the  client.  This  system  is  possible 
only  for  the  dressmaker  who  has  a  large  reserve  capital  and  extensive 
credit,  for  the  business  is  increasingly  placed  on  a  credit  basis.  Many 
of  the  firms  of  this  type  purchase  large  and  assorted  stocks  of  mate- 
rials and  furnishings  from  New  York  and  European  importers  who 
allow  a  three,  four,  or  six  months'  credit,  according  to  the  standing 
of  the  local  firm.  A  dressmaker  of  this  type  can  not  attempt  business 
without  sufficient  capital  for  at  least  a  season's  or  even  a  year's 
running  expenses,  as  her  customers'  credit  runs  from  3  to  18  months. 

In  dealing  with  shops  of  this  stage  the  customer  occupies  a  position 
of  independence  as  to  the  production  and  is  in  a  position  to  accept 
or  refuse  the  finished  product,  which  is,  until  she  accepts  it,  the  prop- 
erty of  the  contractor  throughout.  Some  firms  report  that  an 
unscrupulous  customer  occasionally  takes  advantage  of  this  situation 
to  refuse  a  gown  made  for  her,  in  which  case  the  dressmaker  may 
lose  not  only  the  cost  of  making  and  the  anticipated  profit,  but  even 
the  cost  of  the  materials  used.  This  possibility  exposes  the  head  of 
a  specialized  shop  to  a  risk  not  incurred  by  dressmakers  in  the  simpler 
stages  of  the  trade,  who  make  up  the  materials  of  their  customers 
and  who  at  the  worst  lose  only  the  labor  involved.  According  to 
M.  du  Maroussem,  the  risk  of  such  refusals  constitutes  a  serious  factor 
in  the  problem  of  the  Paris  dressmaker.1 

6.  THE  COMMERCIAL  DRESSMAKER. 

The  "industrialization"  of  the  trade,  as  M.  de  Seilhac  2  has  aptly 
termed  it,  is  a  natural  development  which  has  been  presaged  in  the 
preceding  stages.  It  is  the  culmination  of  efforts  to  evolve  a  more 
highly  developed  system  of  administration,  by  which  the  great  prob- 
lems of  capital,  competition,  labor,  and  seasonal  fluctuation  may 
meet  a  satisf actory  solution.  The  establishment  of  this  stage  is  seen 

1  France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  486. 

2  L'Industrie  de  la  Couture  et  de  la  Confection  &  Paris,  par  Leon  de  Seilhac,  p.  12. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          43 

in  two  forms — the  commercialized  shop  and  the  manufacturing 
establishment. 

The  large  custom  dressmaker  frequently  develops  into  a  merchant 
or  commercial  dressmaker  for  several  reasons.  The  short  season  of 
the  shop  of  specialized  workers  makes  it  difficult  to  maintain  a  regu- 
lar force,  and  the  stock  of  materials  must  find  an  outlet.  The  com- 
mercial dressmaker  employs  her  force  in  the  dull  season  in  making 
up  these  materials  in  advance  of  orders,  and  offers  for  sale  her  ready- 
to-wear  gowns  as  superior  to  the  ready-made  product  of  her  closest 
competitor,  the  wholesale  manufacturer.  Then,  too,  she  gradually 
incorporates  in  her  stock  the  various  accompaniments  of  her  cus- 
tomers' wardrobes.  Four  different  lines  of  stock  are  observed  in  the 
commercialized  shops  in  Boston:  (1)  Ready-to-wear  or  ready-made 
waists,  gowns,  suits,  and  cloaks;  (2)  millinery;  (3)  neckwear  and 
lingerie;  (4)  furs.1 

A  forerunner  of  the  large  commercialized  shop  is  seen  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  small  private  dressmaker  who  has  her  girls  in  slack 
time  make  fancy  ornaments  and  trimmings  which  she  offers  for 
sale  to  her  customers,  as  well  as  in  the  shop  of  the  large  dressmaker 
who  frequently  makes  up  " Paris  models"  in  the  dull  season,  thus 
solving  the  labor  and  seasonal  problems  and  disposing  of  materials 
which  had  not  yet  been  made  up.  The  commercial  dressmaker  merely 
emphasizes  the  making  and  sale  of  gowns  produced  in  advance  of 
specific  orders  of  customers. 

The  commercial  dressmaking  shop  is  usually  owned  and  conducted 
by  a  man,  by  a  partnership  of  a  clever  woman  dressmaker  and  a 
business  man,  or  by  an  incorporated  company.2  "This  seeming 
anomaly''  (predominance  of  men),  says  M.  Leon  de  Seilhac,  "is  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  in  a  'graiide  Industrie'  a  woman  is  little 
fitted  to  direct  affairs.  Even  if  she  had  the  power  of  administration 
and  could  combine  this  with  economy  (of  management)  she  would 
be  afraid  to  make  the  plunge.  She  would  not  dare  risk  enormous 
expenditures  when  she  was  not  assured  of  recovering  them.  Or 
even  the  woman  with  a  head  for  business,  who  had  taste  and  was 
an  '  artiste,'  would  too  often  be  incompetent.  The  man  alone  can 
direct  an  'Industrie'  so  considerable."3  However  much  truth 
there  may  be  in  M.  de  Seilhac's  reasoning,  the  predominance  of 
men  in  "commercialized"  or  "industrialized"  dressmaking  is  as 
evident  in  America  as  in  Paris. 

i  See  similar  cases  in  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  pp.  442,  455,  457,  461,  462,  468. 
France,  Office  du  Travail. 

J  M.  du  Maroussem  reports  a  similar  situation  in  Paris:  "Grande  Couture— The  dressmakers,  this  mas- 
culine group  which  dominates  the  whole,  representing  the  'grande  commerce,'  draw  the  greatest  profits 
from  a  combination  of  specialties  (dressmaking,  lingerie,  furs,  millinery)."  France,  Office  du  Travail. 
La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  k  Paris,  p.  488.  Also  L'Industrie  de  la  Couture  et  de  la  Confec- 
tion a  Paris,  par  Leon  de  Seilhac,  p.  12. 

3  L'Industrie  de  la  Couture  et  de  la  Confection  &  Paris,  par  Leon  de  Seilhac,  p.  13. 


44  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUEEAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

The  commercialized  shop  usually  presents  all  the  characteristics 
of  a  large  mercantile  establishment.  The  output  of  the  department 
of  production  must  be  disposed  of.  Such  a  shop  must,  therefore, 
appeal  to  the  general  public,  and  is  usually  located  on  a  street  floor 
in  the  shopping  section  of  the  city.  Tempting  show  windows  dis- 
play the  waists  and  gowns  made  in  the  shop  or  purchased  from  manu- 
facturing establishments  and  attract  the  attention  of  the  casual  passer- 
by. Spacious  show  and  sales  rooms  require  a  force  of  saleswomen. 
The  large  business  necessitates  a  force  of  clerical  and  secretarial  work- 
ers, who  have  had  precursors  in  the  occasional  bookkeeper  and  stock 
girl  of  the  larger  dressmakers,  but  who  now  become  a  regular  and 
necessary  part  of  the  force.  The  show  and  sales  rooms,  fitting  rooms, 
and  workrooms  are  all  conducted  and  managed  under  a  highly  de- 
veloped administrative  or  commercial  system. 

The  working  force  of  the  "commercialized"  shop  shows  still 
greater  division  of  labor  than  prevails  in  the  large  custom  shop. 
Secretarial  and  clerical  workers,  saleswomen,  custom  workers,  and 
alteration  hands  now  comprise  the  force.1  In  a  large  establishment 
of  this  kind  the  employer  is  occupied  with  the  general  supervision 
and  administration,  and  as  a  result  has  less  personal  connection  with 
the  actual  production.  The  degree  of  connection  retained  varies 
in  different  establishments.2 

In  the  most  advanced  stage  the  whole  charge  and  direction  of  the 
department  of  production  is  vested  in  a  "designer,"  " forewoman," 
or  "head  dressmaker,"  under  whatever  title  she  may  be  described. 
One  establishment,  shop  A,  employing  100  girls  in  the  store,  assigns 
the  whole  charge  of  designing  and  producing  fancy  and  lingerie  wrear, 
custom  and  ready-to-wear,  to  a  force  of  61  workers,  thus  divided  as 
to  work  and  wages : 3 

1  designer  and  head  dressmaker,  who  receives  $50. 

1  designer  and  fitter,  who  receives  $30. 

1  fitter  and  head  of  stock,  who  receives  $18. 

1  shopper,  who  receives  $12. 

13  tailors,  of  whom — 

2  men  receive  $35. 

1  man  receives  $25. 

1  man  receives  $22. 

2  men  receive  $21. 

3  men  receive  $20. 

1  See  description  of  similar  establishments  in  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  &  Paris,  p.  403, 
France,  Office  du  Travail. 

2  Similar  variations  are  reported  in  the  schedules  of  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a,  Paris, 
pp.  455,  457.    France,  Office  du  Travail.    An  employer  of  the  Quartier  du  Palais  Royal,  head  of  a  large 
establishment  combining  custom  and  ready-to-wear  production,  "is  occupied  wholly  with  the  commercial 
side  of  the  enterprise."    Ibid.,  p.  457. 

Another,  of  the  Quartier  de  TO p£r a,  "is  occupied  with  the  commercial  side  of  the  enterprise;  also 
to  some  extent  with  the  purely  industrial,  the  fitting,  because  of  lack  of  confidence  in  the  head  girls." 
Ibid.,  p.  4 ->.->. 

»  Based  on  pay  rolls. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


45 


1  man  receives  -SI 2. 

1  man  and  1  woman  receive  $11  each. 

1  man  receives  $9. 

5  waist  drapers,  of  whom — 

2  receive  $18. 

3  receive  $16,  $11,  and  $0.  respectively. 
8  waist  finishers,  of  whom — 

1  receives  $10.50. 

3  receive  $9. 
1  receives  $8. 

1  receives  $5. 

2  receive  $4  to  $4.50. 

2  workers  on  waist  linings,  who  receive  $7  and  $4,  respectively. 
4  embroiderers,  who  receive  $10,  $8,  $7.50,  and  $7,  respectively. 
1  sleeve  draper,  who  receives  $16  and  supervises — 

I  finisher,  who  receives  $8. 

1  head  skirt  girl,  who  receives  $30  and  supervises — 

4  skirt  drapers,  who  receive  $18,  $12.  $11,  and  $10.50.  respectively. 

II  skirt  finishers,  of  whom — 

1  receives  $12. 

2  receive  $10  to  $10.50. 

3  receive  $9  to  $9.50. 

1  receives  $8. 

2  receive  $5. 

2  receive  $3.50. 

2  office  girls,  who  receive  $10  and  $8,  respectively. 
1  errand  girl,  who  receives  $4.50. 

4  unclassified  by  occupation,  who  receive  $10,  $8,  and  $6  (2),  respectively. 

The  members  of  another  firm  having  100  employees  retain  in  their 
own  hands  the  designing,  but  delegate  the  direction  and  supervision 
of  the  actual  production  to  a  "head  dressmaker"  receiving  $40  a 
week,  and  an  assistant  dressmaker  on  $20  a  week,  with  a  10  to  10J 
months7  season.  A  woman  merchant  dressmaker,  who  assumes  the 
responsibility  for  a  force  of  30  and  who  takes  the  general  supervision 
herself,  pays  her  fitter  $30.  While  the  head  dressmaker  or  designer, 
the  expert  fitter,  and  the  heads  of  stock  in  the  commercialized  shop 
replace  the  employer  of  the  shop  of  specialized  workers,  the  organiza- 
tion and  wage  scale  of  the  subordinate  producing  force  is  practically 
the  same  as  shown  in  shops  A  and  B.1 

TABLE  11.— MAXIMUM  WEEKLY  WAGE  OF  WORKERS  IN  THE  PRODUCING  DEPART- 
MENT OF  COMMERCIALIZED  SHOPS,  BY  SIZE  OF  FORCE. 

[Based  on  reports  of  5  employers  visited.) 


Size  of  force. 

Head  dress- 
makers. 

Assistant 
head  dress- 
makers. 

Waist 
drapers. 

Skirt 
drapers. 

Sleeve 
drapers. 

25  workers  

$17 

$20 

$14 

25  workers 

27 

25 

14 

30  workers  

$30 

15 

12 

100  workers  

100  workers 

40 

50 

$20 
40 

18 
25 

12 
30 

12 
12 

See  list  of  workers  reported  for  shop  A,  above,  and  list  for  shop  B  on  pp.  38  and  39. 


46  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU   OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

With  the  complication  of  the  business  and  the  detailed  division  of 
labor,  the  salaried  "head  dressmaker"  has  acquired  a  position  of  high 
importance.  The  employer  or  firm  has  become  emancipated  from 
any  personal  relation  with  the  producing  department,  since  complete 
charge  has  been  turned  over  to  the -"  head  dressmaker."  The  system 
of  "  contract  by  the  job,"  in  labor  parlance,  or  contract  price  for  the 
completed  product  now  becomes  customary.  The  capitalist  employer 
provides  the  raw  materials  and  disposes  of  the  finished  product,  hav- 
ing no  longer  any  direct  or  personal  connection  with  the  intermediate 
processes.  The  customer  has  lost  connection  with  all  but  the  final 
stage,  acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  finished  product.  The  large 
establishment  involves  a  greater  outlay  for  rent  and  general  expendi- 
tures, and  requires  the  employment  of  higher  priced  workers,  but 
possible  returns  are  kept  down  by  the  competition  of  the  small  dress- 
makers on  the  one  side  and  of  the  factories  producing  ready-made 
garments  on  the  other.  Profits  must  now  depend  primarily  on  the 
large  numbers  of  garments  produced  and  disposed  of.1  The  tendency 
in  the  majority  of  such  establishments  is  toward  the  predominance  of 
the  sales  department  and  the  gradual  decline  of  the  department  of 
custom  production.  This  is  partially  due  to  the  increasing  demand 
for  the  ready-to-wear  garment,  but  the  primary  cause  is  the  fact  that 
the  sales  department  yields  greater  profits  than  the  department  of 
custom  production. 

After  reaching  a  certain  size  the  custom  department  yields  a  loss 
rather  than  a  profit.  This  instance  of  the  law  of  diminishing  returns 
seems  to  be  due  to  three  causes.  First,  as  the  size  of  the  force  in- 
creases a  correspondingly  increasing  number  of  specialists,  heads  of 
the  various  sections  of  production,  must  be  employed  at  large  sal- 
aries.2 Second,  a  hired  supervisor  or  forewoman  who  secures  the 
most  economical  use  of  time,  labor,  and  materials  is  the  exception. 
Third,  the  profits  on  the  ready-to-wear  can  be  definitely  foreseen  by 
setting  a  fixed  price,  with  additional  sum  for  alteration.  A  profit  on 
the  custom  work  can  never  be  assured,  as  innumerable  changes  may 
increase  the  cost  of  production  indefinitely.  The  customer  who  sees 
a  completed  garment  may  try  it  on  for  effect,  and  if  it  meets  her 
approval,  purchase  it  at  the  specified  sum.  If,  however,  she  orders  a 
custom-made  gown,  it  may,  when  fairly  near  completion,  fail  to  please 
her.  It  must  then  be  taken  apart  and  sometimes  altered  or  made 
over  again  and  again  to  please  a  whim  or  fancy,  so  that  the  total  cost 
of  additional  labor,  materials,  and  trimmings  sometimes  exceeds  the 
contracted  price,  which  must  stand  as  originally  set  regardless  of  all 
changes.  For  instance,  in  one  exclusive  establishment  a  ready-to- 

i  A  large  French  firm  of  the  same  category  tells  the  same  story.    France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite 
Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  464. 
*  Compare  wage  scales  of  shops  on  pp.  34,  35,  38,  39,  44,  and  45. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          47 

wear  gown  costing  $6  sold  for  $40.  A  custom-made  gown  in  the 
same  establishment  actually  costing  $85  by  the  time  it  met  with  the 
customer's  approval  sold  for  $85,  the  original  contract  price.  The 
labor  alone  on  a  gown  in  such  an  establishment  sometimes  costs  $125. 
Many  instances  could  be  cited  of  garments  being  taken  apart  three, 
four,  and  five  times  to  please  a  customer,  making  the  cost  of  labor 
just  so  much  greater  than  the  amount  calculated  by  the  employer 
when  setting  the  price.  In  this  stage,  then,  the  high-class  custom 
work  is  not  only  less  profitable  than  the  production  of  ready-to-wear 
garments,  but  also  involves  much  more  worry  and  presents  a  serious 
problem  in  the  necessity  of  securing  expert  workers.  This  situation 
tends  to  bring  about  a  further  development,  either  the  total  abandon- 
ment of  manufacture  by  the  firm,  except  for  the  alteration  depart- 
ment, or  the  production  of  ready-to-wear  for  a  wider  and  more  general 
market.  The  custom  work  has  sometimes  been  continued  in  order 
to  retain  old  customers,  or  for  the  disposal  of  materials  sold  in  the 
merchandise  department.  The  department  of  custom  production  in 
either  case,  however,  assumes  the  r61e  of  an  accessory  rather  than  of 
the  principal.1  Only  one  of  the  large  furnishing  houses  of  Boston  has 
retained  the  department  of  custom  production,  which  the  firm  says 
"does  not  pay." 

The  origin  of  a  large,  fashionable  women's  furnishing  goods  house 
of  the  first  type  dates  back  30  years  to  the  custom  dressmaking  estab- 
lishment of  a  dressmaker  who  conducted  a  private  business  hi  her 
home.  Her  business  gradually  increased  until,  upon  the  maturity  of 
her  sons,  it  was  decided  to  develop  its  scope.  They  established  them- 
selves in  a  commercialized  shop  in  the  business  section  of  the  city,  and 
gradually  added  to  the  department  of  custom  production  millinery, 
ready-to-wear  and  ready-made  clothing,  and  imported  gowns,  coats, 
suits,  waists,  skirts,  lingerie,  neckwear,  and  all  feminine  furnishings, 
After  seven  years'  experience  in  this  line  the  custom  department  was 
abandoned  as  a  loss  rather  than  a  profit.  The  unreasonable  demands 
of  customers  made  it  impossible  to  fix  prices  which  would  insure 
profits,  while  continuous  leakage  in  the  workroom,  due  to  the  im- 
possibility of  personal  supervision  and  the  heavy  expense  of  highly 
specialized  workers,  made  the  outgo  larger  than  the  income. 

The  commercialized  shop  which  has  abandoned  all  custom  produc- 
tion still  usually  retains  an  alteration  department  for  altering  gowns 
to  fit  the  buyer.  Alteration  work  does  not  demand  the  highest 
creative  and  artistic  ability  nor  does  it  usually  need  young  and  inex- 
perienced plain  sewers  and  finishers,  hence  neither  highly  paid  heads 
nor  young  helpers  appear  and  a  greater  uniformity  of  workers  and 
wages  results.  While  young  and  unmarried  workers  predominate 

1  M.  du  Maroussem  describes  a  similar  development  in  Paris.    France,  Office  du  Travail.     La  Petite 
Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  398. 


48  BULLETIN"   OF   THE  BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

in  custom  dressmaking,  the  older,  middle-aged,  married,  or  widowed 
women  predominate  in  alteration  work.  The  woman  who  has  never 
gotten  beyond  the  "finisher  stage"  and  who,  as  a  result,  can  secure 
employment  in  custom  dressmaking  only  during  the  rush  season,  or 
the  woman  who  has  had  to  go  to  work  in  middle  or  in  later  life  with- 
out the  specialized  training  needed  for  custom  work,  finds  in  altera- 
tions an  opening  within  her  reach.1  Alteration  work,  therefore,  pro- 
vides an  opportunity  which  is  lacking  in  the  custom  shop  where  origi- 
nality, artistic  lines,  and  adaptability  are  essential. 

The  workroom  of  the  alteration  department,  which  has  no  direct 
connection  with  the  customer,  is  usually  in  some  remote  part  of  the 
store.  One  of  the  most  fashionable  ready-to-wear  shops  in  the  city 
uses  the  basement  underneath  the  shop  for  a  workroom.  /Two  small 
windows  opening  on  the  sidewalk  furnish  very  inadequate  light  and 
air.  Large  furnishing  stores  or  ready-made  clothing  houses  which 
do  not  use  the  basement  for  salesrooms  often  have  their  workrooms 
in  the  basement.  Department  stores,  however,  usually  have  fairly 
good  workrooms  on  one  of  the  upper  floors,  where  better  light  and  air 
are  secured. 

The  alteration  departments  of  eight  houses  of  varied  types  carrying 
ready-made  wear  exclusively  showed  a  range  of  from  35  to  125  altera- 
tion workers.  The  organization  of  the  work  and  workers  varies  in 
different  establishments.  In  one  of  the  largest  and  best  women's 
furnishings  houses  the  alteration  workers  are  under  the  supervision  of 
fitters,  who  preside  over  individual  tables  around  which  work  10  or 
15  alteration  hands.  In  another  the  fitters  never  come  to  the  work- 
room at  all  and  the  foreman  assumes  general  supervision  over  the 
work.  The  alteration  hands  work  about  tables  on  each  of  which  a 
particular  kind  of  work  is  done,  the  gown  workers,  for  instance,  being 
at  one  table,  skirt  workers  at  another,  and  coat  workers  at  another. 
In  any  case  the  workroom  is  supervised  by  a  foreman  or  forewoman 
receiving  $20  or  more  a  week.  The  wages  of  fitters  range  from  $12 
to  $30,  one  shop  reporting  $15,  another  $18,  and  another  $20  as  the 
lowest  wage.  Alteration  hands  are  paid  from  $7  to  $14,  while  one 
firm  reports  some  beginners  at  $5  to  $6  and  another  basters  at  $6,  $7, 
or  $8.  Two  establishments  have  inaugurated  the  piecework  system, 
making  a  wider  range  of  pay  both  in  rush  and  dull  seasons,  and  caus- 
ing greater  fluctuation  in  the  labor  force.  Here  is  seen  competition 
among  men  and  women  coat  workers.  Four  firms  employed  men 
with  some  women  finishers  on  coats,  while  one  employed  all  women 
because  of  the  inferior  social  type  of  men  engaged  in  this  work.  One 
foreman  explained  that  of  men  and  women  working  side  by  side  on 
coats  the  women  received  $8  to  $10,  the  men  $14  to  $15.  Men,  he 

J  It  is  interesting  to  find  M.  Aine,  Les  Patronnes,  Employees,  et  Ouvrieres  de  1'Habillement  a  Paris, 
ReTorme  Sociale  (1898),  Vol.  V,  pp.  61-76,  making  a  similar  statement  of  the  situation  in  Paris. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          49 

said,  could  turn  out  three  to  four  times  as  much  work  in  a  week  and 
showed  more  stability  and  less  effects  of  nervous  strain  and  overwork. 
Most  of  the  men  are  foreigners,  trained  by  a  long  system  of  appren- 
ticeship and  experience,  who  know  the  business  thoroughly,  and  hence 
are  superior  to  the  woman  worker.  The  heavy  work  also  requires 
exceptional  strength,  making  most  women  ineligible. 

7.  THE  MANUFACTURING  DRESSMAKER. 

The  merchant  dressmaker  may  begin  to  look  farther  afield  for  a 
more  general  patronage  than  can  be  reached  in  his  own  city.  Increas- 
ing capital  and  the  means  of  transportation  and  communication  make 
available  more  attractive  and  profitable  openings  elsewhere.  He  may 
fill  orders  by  mail  or  by  salesmen  who  sell  directly  to  the  customers 
in  other  cities.  This  stage  calls  for  a  more  highly  differentiated  and 
systematized  business  management;  in  other  words,  it  is  a  stage  of 
highly  centralized  capitalistic  production. 

The  development  of  a  more  than  local  market  may  be  seen  in 
various  stages  of  evolution  long  before  its  final  and  formal  appearance 
as  centralized  capitalistic  production  exclusively  for  a  general  market. 
Virginia  Penny  wrote  in  1863,  "Some  dressmakers  have  kept  the 
patterns  of  ladies  in  the  South  and  made  their  dresses  for  years," 
and  "A  French  lady  on  Broadway  had  a  great  run  of  southern 
custom."  2 

Some  of  the  Boston  custom  shops  even  in  the  stage  of  transition 
have  patrons  from  Maine  and  surrounding  districts,  while  one  reported 
a  Xew  York  customer.  One  of  these  large  shops  in  Boston  caters  to 
women  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  other  cities,  for  whom  gowns  are 
made  and  orders  filled  on  measure.  A  fashionable  merchant  dress- 
maker of  Boston  now  sends  salesmen  to  the  southern  winter  resorts 
to  dispose  of  the  stock  ready-to-wear  gowns  made  in  her  shop. 

A  still  wider  development  of  a  general  market  is  seen  in  the  largest 
women's  furnishings  store  in  Boston,  which  combines  a  large  sales 
department  of  raw  materials,  ready-to-wear  and  ready-made  clothing, 
a  large  custom  and  retail  manufacturing  department,  and  an  altera- 
tion department.  The  department  of  production  has  most  of  the 
characteristics  of  a  factory,  with  400  to  500  workers,  minute  subdi- 
vision of  labor,  the  piecework  system,  and  the  most  expensive  and 
modern  labor-saving  machinery.  The  head  dressmaker  goes  abroad 
twice  a  year  for  styles,  buys  models  and  materials  for  production, 
meets  customers,  and  plans  and  designs  the  gowns. 

A  forewoman  receiving  a  weekly  wage  of  $40  hires  and  supervises 
the  working  force  and  superintends  the  details  of  production.  Fitters 
and  head  drapers  are  week  workers  and  receive  from  $20  to  $45.  They 

1  The  Employments  of  Women,  by  Virginia  Penny,  p.  326.  *  Ibid.,  p.  326. 

29885°— Bull.  193—16 4 


50  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

have  charge  of  10  to  20  subordinate  workers,  drapers  receiving  from 
$8  to  $15  and  finishers  from  $6  to  $9.  The  great  body  of  subordi- 
nates, both  machine  operators  and  handworkers,  are  pieceworkers, 
whose  weekly  wage  depends  on  two  factors,  (1)  their  individual  speed 
and  (2)  the  amount  of  work  available. 

The  stock  is  still  sold  only  at  retail,  to  the  local  market  by  the 
sales  force  and  in  the  showrooms  of  the  store  and  to  the  general 
market  by  traveling  salesmen  and  saleswomen.  Each  one  of  these 
carries  with  him  through  the  country  a  force  of  8  to  10  fitters  and 
saleswomen  and  a  large  stock  of  models  of  ready-to-wrear  garments 
which  are  displayed  to  the  public  in  the  showrooms  of  large  hotels. 
The  general  trade  is  carefully  systematized,  divided  into  definite 
districts,  and  covers  a  large  part  of  the  United  States. 

So  far  as  the  mass  of  the  working  force  is  concerned  all  the  attri- 
butes of  the  factory  system  are  realized  in  this  stage  of  development.1 
The  capitalist  employer  provides  the  raw  materials,  disposes  of  the 
finished  product,  and  controls  all  the  intermediate  processes.  The 
costly  power  and  labor-saving  machines  are  the  property  of  the 
emplo}rer  and  are  established  in  the  building  owned  by  him.  The 
laborer  or  producer  has  again  reached  the  original  position  of  the 
dependent  in  the  help  or  hire  system.  She  provides  merely  the 
human  labor  force  at  the  dictation  and  in  accordance  with  the  orders 
of  her  employer.  From  the  standpoint  of  the  establishment  but  one 
step  remains  for  the  realization  of  the  factory  system — the  abandon- 
ment of  the  department  of  custom  work  and  the  introduction  of  a 
standardized  product  sold  at  wholesale  for  a  general  market. 

Factoiy  production  of  the  best  class  of  dresses  is,  however,  almost 
negligible  hi  Boston  because  of  the  competition  of  New  York  City. 
But  two  factories  making  high-class  dresses  comparable  to  the  product 
of  a  custom  shop  and  selling  wholesale  at  $18  or  more  were  found  at 
the  time  of  the  study,  one  employing  a  maximum  number  of  37  and 
the  other  228  workers.  These  two  factories  made  a  similar  product, 
high-class  silk,  chiffon,  and  wash  dresses,  and  each  employed  one  sales- 
man2 to  introduce  the  samples  to  retail  dealers  in  New  England,  be- 
sides maintaining  a  sales  and  show  room  in  the  factory.  Since  the 
wholesale  manufacturing  establishment  does  not  cater  to  retail  trade, 
a  salesroom  on  the  street  floor  is  no  longer  necessary,  and  the  factory 
is  usually  found  in  an  upper  story  of  a  large  business  block,  reaching 
its  patrons  through  its  salesmen  and  by  correspondence.  In  the 
smaller  establishment,  with  a  maximum  force  of  37,  the  owner  still 
retains  the  designing  and  planning  of  the  gowns,  employing  a  man 
cutter  at  $20  a  week  and  a  forewoman  at  $18  to  direct  and  cany  on 
the  department  of  production.  In  the  larger  establishment,  employ- 

1  See  definition  of  the  "factory  system,"  in  Principles  of  Economics,  by  Seligman,  pp.  93,  94. 
1  One  employed  a  saleswoman  on  the  road. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.          51 

ing  a  maximum  force  of  228,  the  designing  and  planning  of  the  whole 
output  is  vested  in  a  man  designer  at  $60  a  week  for  52  weeks  in  the 
year.  Forewomen  at  $30,  $20,  and  $18  direct  and  supervise  the 
work  of  particular  sections.  The  employer  in  the  large  factory  has 
divorced  himself  entirely  from  the  actual  production  and  devotes  his 
time  to  the  business  administration,  holding  the  designer  responsible 
for  turning  out  a  salable  and  profitable  stock.  Machine  operators 
who  manipulate  power  machines  and  hand  finishers  who  put  on  the 
finishing  touches  which  the  machine  can  not  do  constitute  two-thirds 
of  the  working  force,  earning  $5  to  $15  a  week. 

The  small  shop  employing  from  6  to  20  workers  is  the  characteristic 
type  (37.1  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  shops)  in  New  York,  the 
center  of  the  trade,  but  employs  only  15  per  cent  of  all  the  workers. 
The  larger  shop  of  2 1  to  50  workers,  forming  29  per  cent  of  the  total 
number  of  establishments,  employs  the  largest  proportion  of  workers 
(29.3  per  cent).  The  shops  with  forces  of  51  to  100  and  100  to  250, 
representing  10.5  per  cent  and  5  per  cent  respectively  of  the  total 
number  of  shops  employ  each  22.5  per  cent  of  the  average  number 
employed.1  The  two  Boston  factories,  though  isolated,  are,  therefore, 
representative  of  the  prevalent  types  in  the  trade. 

This  general  survey  of  the  dressmakers'  trade  in  Massachusetts 
shows  that  the  trade  here  is  far  from  being  "  chaos,"  as  Miss  Black 
concluded  it  was  in  London.2  Although  the  industry  is  in  a  state  of 
transition  and  the  simplest  forms  may  be  found  existing  by  the  side 
of  the  most  complex,  and  though  variations  of  a  local,  personal,  or 
transitional  nature  are  common,  yet  fairly  general  conditions  and 
tendencies  may  be  traced.  Omitting  from  consideration  the  woman 
who  makes  clothes  only  for  herself  or  her  family,  the  trade  shows  a 
continuous  development  through  six  fairly  well  denned  stages,  i.  e., 
the  stage  of  the  day  worker,  of  the  private  dressmaker,  the  shop  of 
the  transition  stage,  the  large  shop  of  specialized  workers,  the  mer- 
chant dressmaker,  and  the  manufacturer  As  no  statistics  can  be 
obtained  showing  the  number  of  dayworkers,  it  is  not  possible  to  say 
what  proportion  of  the  trade  belongs  to  each  of  the  stages.  Two 
tendencies  are  apparent,  however.  Production  under  the  factory 
system — the  stage  of  the  manufacturer — has  shown  a  phenomenal 

i  Calculated  from  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  Ill,  Manufactures,  219. 

*  "We  have  now  presented  a  survey  of  the  three  trades  which  we  set  out  to  investigate  [in  London];  and 
looking  back  upon  our  assemblage  of  facts,  the  word  that  rises  in  our  mind  is  chaos.  As  far  as  we  can 
see,  the  chief  characteristic  of  these  trades  is  an  absence  of  uniformity.  In  very  few  is  there  parity  of  pay« 
ments.  Over  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  field  there  is  not  a  standard  wage  and  hardly  even  a  current 
wage.  Individualism  run  wild,  a  lack  of  coordination,  a  swelter  of  persons  all  striving  separately,  this  is 
the  spectacle  presented  *  *  *  in  the  higher  walks  of  the  bespoke  branch  of  dressmaking;  there  are 
traces  of  a  customary  wage  for  'full  hands'  that  once  was  current  but  that  now  is  being  broken  down." 
Makers  of  our  Clothes,  by  Meyer  and  Black,  p.  143. 

Miss  Irwin  reaches  the  contrary  conclusion,  that  "the  dressmaking  trade  [in  Glasgow]  presents  little 
variety  in  remuneration  and  conditions  of  employment."  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking, 
by  Margaret  Irwin,  Glasgow,  1900,  p.  33. 


52  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

growth  within  the  last  few  decades;  and  in  the  custom  branches  of 
the  trade  the  small  and  medium-sized  shops  are  disappearing  before 
the  competition  of  the  domestic  or  dayworkers  on  the  one  side  and 
the  large  shop  on  the  other. 

As  the  trade  passes  through  these  successive  stages,  the  place  of 
production  shows  a  continuous  movement  away  from  the  home 
toward  increasingly  commercialized  and  industrialized  quarters. 
The  size  of  the  working  force  and  to  a  certain  extent  the  quality  of 
the  product  alter  from  stage  to  stage  so  that  each  has  certain  charac- 
teristic conditions  as  to  division  of  labor  and  wages  paid.  The  plain 
sewer  receives  from  $6  to  $9  a  week,  this  wage  remaining  about  the 
same  whether  she  goes  out  by  the  day  or  works  in  a  specialized  shop. 
As  the  trade  develops,  more  and  more  specialized  workers  are  added, 
until  each  department  has  its  head  worker,  whose  wages  range  from 
$10  to  $50  or  $60  a  week,  depending  on  the  degree  of  responsibility, 
with  a  force  of  assistants  whose  wages  range  downward  to  $6  or  less 
according  to  the  character  of  their  work. 

The  opportunities  for  young  workers  to  learn  the  trade  vary  with 
the  different  types  of  shops.  In  general  they  are  best  in  the  shop  of 
moderate  size,  where  the  worker  is  still  under  the  immediate  super- 
vision of  the  employer,  where  subdivision  of  labor  has  not  been 
carried  to  a  point  which  deprives  the  learner  of  an  all-round  training, 
but  where  the  class  of  the  work  done  enables  her  to  fit  herself  for  the 
higher  branches  of  the  trade.  The  medium-sized  shop,  however,  is 
being  crushed  out  by  competition.  At  best  the  opportunities  for 
acquiring  the  trade  in  a  shop  are  limited  and  unsatisfactory.  Modern 
industrial  conditions  make  it  doubtful  whether  a  young  learner  can 
satisfactorily  acquire  a  skilled  trade  by  working  at  it,  and  the  majority 
doubtless  can  best  secure  their  training  through  an  outside  agency 
which  gives  the  foundation  principles  of  the  trade. 


CHAPTER  III. 
INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  IN  THE  TRADE. 

Three  problems,  the  need  of  capital,  competition,  and  the  dif- 
ficulty of  securing  skilled  workers,  are  vital  factors  hi  determining 
the  development  of  the  dressmaking  trade.  These  problems  should 
be  appreciated  by  educators  because  they  determine  the  conditions 
and  opportunities  in  the  different  types  of  shops  and  show  for  what 
pupils  must  be  prepared;  by  customers  because  their  influence  and 
thought  may  aid  in  solving  them.  These  problems  of  capital,  com- 
petition and  labor  appear  in  varying  degrees  of  intensity  in  the  dif- 
ferent types  of  shops  but  must  be  faced  and  solved  by  all. 

BUSINESS  ADMINISTRATION. 

The  problem  of  capital  assumes  first  place  among  the  present-day 
questions  of  custom  dressmaking  because  it  is  largely  a  woman's 
trade  which  has  until  recently  been  mainly  a  domestic  industry, 
so  that  the  importance  of  businesslike  methods  and  scientific  admin- 
istrative system  are  only  beginning  to  be  realized.  The  passing  of 
the  dressmaking  trade  from  the  primitive  stages  of  a  domestic 
character  to  the  industrialized  and  capitalistic  system  of  production 
is  so  recent  that  a  large  part  of  the  trade  is  still  monopolized  by  the 
small  dressmaker  who  does  not  understand  business  principles  nor 
attempt  to  utilize  them  in  her  shop.  The  small  dressmaker,  both 
" private"  and  hi  the  stage  of  transition,  keeps  few,  if  any,  records  of 
her  income  or  expenditures.  The  business  and  administrative 
aspect  of  the  trade  is  relegated  to  secondary  place,  usually  with 
unfortunate  results.  "Why,  I  have  no  pay  roll,"  said  an  employer 
of  14  girls  in  an  injured  tone  of  voice.  "When  would  I  ever  get  time 
to  keep  it?"  "No,  I  never  keep  any  records  of  any  sort,"  said 
another.  "I  never  even  know  whether  the  cost  of  a  particular 
gown  exceeds  or  is  less  than  the  price  I  have  set."  Only  two  of  the 
twenty-five  shops  in  the  stage  of  transition  visited  in  Boston  showed 
any  attempt  at  separation  of  the  business  administration  from  the 
production.  In  both,  two  women  as  partners  conducted  the  shop, 
one  supervising  the  workroom  and  one  the  buying  and  accounts  of 
merchants  and  customers. 

The  growth  of  the  shop  and  development  of  the  business,  however, 
force  the  dressmaker  to  delegate  clerical  work  and  supervision  of 
income  and  expenses  as  she  has  delegated  her  powers  in  the  work- 

53 


54  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS, 

room.  Although  some  of  the  smaller  shops  of  specialized  workers 
have  no  records,  the  occasional  young  stock  girl  or  " office"  girl 
implies  the  evolution  of  the  bookkeeper  who  keeps  systematic  and 
intelligible  accounts.  In  the  large  shops  where  a  great  deal  of  busi- 
ness is  done,  a  head  bookkeeper  and  one  or  more  assistants  are  usually 
found,  and  there  may  be  an  office  wholly  devoted  to  clerical  wrork. 

Scientific  computation  of  cost  of  production  is  still  in  its  infancy, 
however.  One  shop  of  twent}^-five  workers  was  discovered  where  an 
itemized  account  of  the  time  spent  by  each  worker  and  the  ultimate 
cost  were  recorded  on  tickets  attached  to  each  article  made.  The 
employer  had  previously  been  a  head  waist  draper  in  a  large  com- 
mercial dressmaking  shop  where  she  had  been  trained  in  business 
principles.  But  such  system  is  unusual  even  in  the  large  shops. 
A  large  commercialized  shop,  conducted  under  the  partnership  of  a 
successful  business  woman  and  her  brother,  had  developed  a  very 
scientific  system  of  administration  by  which  "  we  know  the  cost  of  the 
air  they  breathe."  The  male  member  of  the  firm  made  a  careful 
study  of  cost  of  time,  materials,  and  production,  which  was  explained 
to  the  workers  when  he  inaugurated  the  system  of  accurately  record- 
ing upon  an  attached  ticket  the  time  spent  on  each  article.  After 
a  year's  experiment,  however,  the  plan  was  abandoned  as  unprofit- 
able and  unnecessary. 

THE  PROBLEM  OF  CAPITAL. 

The  problem  of  capital  has  a  varied  significance  for  the  different 
types  of  dressmakers.  Since  the  itinerant  dressmaker  goes  to  the 
home  of  her  employer,  she  need  not  consider  the  problem  of  rent; 
as  her  client  furnishes  all  materials,  she  has  no  need  of  credit  at  stores, 
and  as  she  does  not,  as  a  rule,  employ  assistants,  she  is  not  con- 
fronted with  a  weekly  pay  roll.  If  she  has  a  helper,  however,  as 
she  herself  is  paid  by  the  day,  she  can  easily  pay  her  help.1  For  her, 
therefore,  capital  is  a  negligible  matter. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  day  worker  realizes  her  ambition  to  have 
a  shop  of  her  own — to  become  a  "mistress  dressmaker" — the  problem 
of  sufficient  capital  becomes  an  important  matter  for  consideration. 
To  pay  rent  until  the  business  becomes  self-supporting,  to  secure 
credit  from  stores  and  extend  it  to  customers,  and  to  meet  the  weekly 
pay  roll,  she  must  have  reserve  capital.  A  small  private  dressmaker 
may  avoid  the  problem  of  rent  by  carrying  on  her  trade  in  her  home, 
or,  if  she  has  no  home,  may  rent  a  room  or  suite  of  rooms  in  a  business 
block  down  town.  A  dressmaker  who  does  a  small  business  usually 
combines  living-  and  business  quarters  as  a  measure  of  economy  and 
financial  necessity.  Location  is  unimportant,  as  she  caters  only  to 

i  See  similar  condition  reported  in  France.    Office  du  Travail.    La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vete- 
ment  &  Paris,  pp.  406-408. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  55 

personal  friends  who  can  find  her  even  in  a  remote  or  somewhat 
inaccessible  spot.  The  dressmaker  of  the  stage  of  transition,  how- 
ever, seeks  a  wider  clientele,  maintains  a  larger  force,  and  has  a 
larger  trade,  and  so  makes  a  larger  investment  in  her  business  quar- 
ters, not  only  because  the  needs  of  her  increased  business  require  it, 
but  because  a  good  location  and  prosperous  appearance  are  good 
business  investments.  The  dressmaker  of  the  large  shop  of  specialized 
workers  usually  occupies  commodious  and  pretentious  quarters  in 
the  fashionable  shopping  district.  Her  large  force  of  workers  neces- 
sitates large  workrooms;  her  increased  trade  necessitates  stock  rooms, 
and  her  enlarged  clientele  requires  reception  rooms,  showrooms  and 
fitting  rooms.  The  merchant  dressmaker  of  the  commercialized 
shop  emphasizes  the  making  and  sale  of  ready-to-wear  gowns,  the 
disposal  of  which  suggests  the  advantage  of  a  street  floor.  Easy 
access  and  tempting  show  windows  appeal  to  a  still  larger  clientele, 
attracting  the  casual  buyer  or  passer  as  well  as  regular  customers. 
Spacious  showrooms  and  large  workrooms  in  the  fashionable  shop- 
ping district  necessitate  heavy  expenditures  in  rent  as  well  as  in 
materials  and  in  the  weekly  pay  roll.  In  each  step  is  seen  an  increas- 
ing need  of  capital.  Extended  credit  and  scientific  business  methods 
as  well  as  large  capital  are  essential  to  carry  on  the  large  establish- 
ment, and  the  woman  dressmaker,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  is  unusual 
in  this  stage  of  the  trade. 

The  problem  of  capital  is  accentuated  by  the  system  of  extending 
credit  which  is  so  common  in  the  business  world  but  which  proves 
a  serious  handicap  to  the  woman  dressmaker  without  a  bank  account. 
As  soon  as  she  opens  a  shop  she  is  confronted  with  her  patrons' 
demand  for  credit.  The  growing  custom  of  furnishing  materials 
increases  the  difficulty.  In  this  day  of  keen  competition  the  chief 
profits  of  the  custom  dressmaker  lie  in  the  furnishings  bought  at 
10  per  cent  rebate  and  sold  at  retail  prices  to  the  customer.1  The 
small  dressmaker,  however,  with  little  or  no  reserve  capital  has  only 
30  days'  credit  at  the  local  stores.  If  her  bill  is  not  paid  within 
the  specified  time,  the  rebate  is  lost.  Seven  of  the  27  private  dress- 
makers visited  in  Boston  reported  customers  who  insisted  on  the 
six  months'  credit  system,  while  others  undoubtedly  had  such  cus- 
tomers. A  small  establishment  with  limited  capital,  or  none  at  all, 
is  unable  to  exist  on  this  basis.  Customers,  moreover,  often  delay 
payments  unnecessarily,  seriously  handicapping  the  small  dress- 
maker in  meeting  her  own  expenses.  Those  who  have  automobiles 
and  other  luxuries  can  not  pay  an  $80  or  $100  dressmaker's  bill. 
One  customer  can  not  pay  her  bill  because  "I  am  going  to  Europe 

iHiss  Irwin  reports  a  similar  statement  from  the  dressmakers  of  Glasgow.  "The  mere  making  does 
not  pay.  We  have  to  get  what  profit  we  can  out  of  trimmings  and  furnishings."  Women's  Work  ia 
Tailoring  and  Dressmaking  (Glasgow),  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  34. 


56  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

this  summer  and  must  be  economical."  Another  "will  not  be  able 
to  pay  for  these  clothes  this  fall  because  John  is  going  to  college 
this  winter  and  there  are  so  many  expenses."  "Why,  I  never  real- 
ized that  it  made  any  great  difference,"  said  a  wealthy  customer  as 
she  leisurely  wrote  out  a  check  for  $250  which  had  caused  months 
of  worry  to  her  dressmaker.  "I  just  wait  from  one  visit  of  the 
mailman  to  the  next,  hoping  for  a  check,"  said  one  dressmaker. 
"That  is  one  of  the  greatest  hardships." 

The  matter  of  credit  becomes  still  more  serious  for  the  dressmaker 
in  the  stage  of  transition  because  she  makes  a  wider  appeal  for 
patronage,  which  results  in  more  credit  customers.  She  furnishes 
the  materials  to  an  increasing  extent,  and  her  enlarged  force  in- 
creases the  running  expenses  and  weekly  pay  roll,  which  necessitates 
ready  capital.  She  does  not  carry  a  stock  of  materials,  as  does  the 
dressmaker  of  the  stage  of  specialization,  but  her  patrons  choose 
from  samples  which  she  secures  from  the  stores.  This  custom,  as 
well  as  the  other  phases  of  development  observed  in  this  stage,  is 
in  a  state  of  transition,  some  dressmakers  insisting  on  furnishing 
the  materials,  some-  leaving  the  choice  with  the  customer,  and  some 
furnishing  only  the  trimmings.  The  furnishing  of  materials  yields 
a  profit,  but  intensifies  the  difficulty  of  extending  credit,  for  the 
dressmaker  invests  a  large  proportion  of  her  capital  in  the  product, 
and  delay  on  the  part  of  her  customer  involves  her  in  financial  diffi- 
culties with  the  furnishings  stores.1  Reports  from  11  of  the  25  estab- 
lishments of  the  transition  stage  visited  in  Boston  revealed  financial 
difficulties  resulting  from  the  long  credit  system.  The  case  of  a  young 
dressmaker,  formerly  a  $25  waist  draper  in  a  large  fashionable  estab- 
lishment, who  recently  opened  up  a  small  shop  in  a  back  room  with 
a  capital  of  $350,  illustrates  this  point.  Her  business  was  at  first 
necessarily  done  on  a  cash  basis.  She  had  to  pay  cash  for  her  pur- 
chases and  her  customers  must  do  the  same.  By  the  beginning  of 
the  second  year  she  had  drawn  enough  of  her  previous  customers 
from  her  former  place  to  enable  her  to  take  larger  quarters  and  a 
larger  force.  She  was  now  able  to  secure  extended  credit  from 
women's  furnishings  establishments,  but  she  catered  to  customers 
who  paid  once  in  six  months  or  "still  more  commonly  once  a  year." 
In  her  second  year  she  was  doing  an  annual  business  of  $12,000, 
but  had  $4,000  in  outstanding  bills  of  six  months'  duration. 

"Regular  customers  pay  twice  a  year,"  said  one  of  these  dress- 
makers. "Customers  have  often  come  and  ordered  a  gown  when 
it  was  impossible  for  me  to  take  the  order  because  I  had  no  money 
or  credit  to  obtain  the  materials  to  fill  the  order."  "Customers  are 

i  One  of  the  dressmakers  of  Paris  reported  that  one  of  the  three  greatest  obstacles  to  her  success  was 
the  discrediting  of  rebates  on  bills,  caused  by  the  delay  of  her  clientele,  which  robbed  her  of  the  greatest 
part  of  the  profits.  France,  Office  du  Travail.  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  423. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          57 

slow  to  pay  their  bills  and  some  fail  altogether/'  said  another. 
"Last  year  we  lost  $600  in  outstanding  bills.  We  had  one  customer 
for  whom  we  worked  20  years.  She  was  wealthy — her  husband 
made  money  fast — but  her  bill  with  us  reached  $2,300,  $200  to 
$300  of  which  dated  back  to  1904.  Finally  we  refused  to  make 
anything  more  until  the  bill  was  paid  to  date.  We  finally  got  the 
last  of  the  amount  this  fall,  but  offended  and  lost  the  customer." 
Some  of  the  more  independent  small  dressmakers  are  refusing  to 
cater  to  credit  customers.  One  employer  who  has  been  in  the 
trade  for  30  years  reduced  her  clientele  to  those  who  pay  cash, 
and  as  a  result  cut  her  force  and  custom  down  to  one-third  its 
former  size,  but  secured  results  more  satisfactory  to  herself.  An- 
other employer  with  sufficient  capital  in  outstanding  bills  was 
forced  to  close  shop  because  of  inability  to  meet  running  expenses. 
In  the  meantime  an  order  came  for  some  expensive  work  from  a 
wealthy  customer.  "I  should  be  glad  to  do  the  work  for  you," 
said  the  dressmaker,  "but  must  ask  that  payment  be  made  on 
completion  of  the  work."  The  order  was  immediately  withdrawn. 

The  majority  of  dressmakers  of  this  type  manage  with  some 
reserve  capital  in  the  bank,  credit  with  large  firms,  and  a  sufficient 
number  of  cash  or  three-months'-credit  customers  to  meet  satisfac- 
torily their  running  expenses,  though  large  profits  are  lost  through 
lack  of  capital  in  hand. 

The  large  shop  of  specialized  workers  does  business  almost  wholly 
on  a  credit  basis.  The  largest  and  most  prosperous  firms  buy  their 
materials  from  European  importers  who  allow  three,  six,  or  more 
months'  credit  according  to  the  standing  of  the  local  firm,  while  the 
customers  of  such  shops  pay  once  in  6,  12,  or  18  months.  "Large 
capital  or  a  very  good  credit  and  wide  acquaintance  are  absolutely 
necessary,"  said  the  manager  of  a  large  commercial  dressmaking 
shop.  "The  custom  of  paying  bills  once  a  year  or  once  in  18  months 
is  quite  general.  We  send  out  a  statement  the  first  of  each  month 
to  certain  customers  and  usually  can  collect  87  per  cent  of  the  bills 
within  three  months.  Some  may  not  pay  within  a  year  or  18  months, 
but  we  don't  bother  them  with  statements.  We  know  their  money 
comes  in  slowly,  but  they  are  perfectly  sound  and  reliable.  We 
have  one  customer  whose  bill  for  this  year  amounts  to  $2,200.  We 
can't  afford  to  offend  these  customers.  They  are  sure  pay,  but  they 
don't  like  to  pay  more  than  once  a  year,  and  then  they  send  in  a 
check  for  the  full  amount  without  the  least  effort.  The  rich  people 
are  the  ones  who  allow  bills  to  run  the  longest.  Although  this  is 
true  in  many  businesses,  I  believe  it  is  worse  in  dressmaking  than  in 
anything  else." 


58  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

The  capital  problem  is  thus  one  of  the  most  serious  problems  of  the 
trade  for  all  types  of  shops.  Reserve  capital  is  necessary  to  meet  the 
immediate  expenses,  such  as  rent,  light,  and  wages.  Credit  is  neces- 
sary to  secure  materials  and  furnishings  in  advance.  The  system  of 
giving  credit  established  by  the  large  firms  is  one  of  the  most  effective 
weapons  against  small  establishments,  which  can  not  exist  on  this 
basis. 

"Why  don't  you  inaugurate  a  30  days'  credit  system  like  the 
stores?"  asked  the  investigator  of  a  great  number  of  dressmakers. 
"That  would  be  impossible,"  was  the  reply.  "Our  customers  would 
simply  leave  and  go  to  some  one  who  would  grant  the  long  credit." 
Cooperative  action  alone  could  solve  this  great  problem  of  long  credit 
for  the  majority  of  dressmakers.  Some,  because  of  their  independ- 
ence of  spirit,  individual  capacity  and  ability,  can  set  the  terms  upon 
which  they  will  work  for  their  customers,  but  the  majority  are  not 
able  to  do  this  alone.  A  small  Boston  dressmaker  declared  her 
intention  of  starting  out  anew  next  year  and  informing  customers 
that  interest  would  be  charged  on  outstanding  bills,  but  the  result 
is  questionable  in  a  trade  so  dependent  on  the  client's  good  will.  The 
large  shops,  however,  are  able  to  meet  the  difficulty  by  fixing  a 
"contract  price"  which  is  made  sufficiently  large  to  cover  all  such 
delays. 

Unfortunately  the  hardships  of  the  capital  problem  reach  beyond 
the  dressmaker  to  her  employees,  especially  hi  the  small  and  medium- 
sized  shops  where  the  bank  account  is  limited.  The  small  employer 
with  no  reserve  capital  can  pay  her  girls  only  as  her  bills  are  paid. 
Three  or  four  weeks  often  go  by  without  payment.  Sometimes  the 
employer  pays  part  of  their  week's  wage  to  pacify  them.  One  girl 

said  "We  used  to  go  to  Mrs. and  ask  if  we  might  at  least  have 

car  fare."  "How  can  I  pay  you,"  her  employer  answered,  "until 
my  customers  pay  me?"  It  does  not  seem  possible  that  the  small 
dressmaker  who  does  not  keep  a  pay  roll  can  remember  whom,  when, 
and  how  much  she  has  paid,  and  under  these  circumstances  disputes 
frequently  result  over  the  amount  due.  The  financial  difficulties  of 
a  medium-sized  shop  are  illustrated  in  the  accompanying  pay-roll 
record  taken  for  two  periods,  one  in  1905-6  and  one  in  1910-11. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


59 


TABLE   12.— WEEKLY  PAY   ROLLS   OF   A   DRESSMAKER   WITHOUT   LARGE    RESERVE 
CAPITAL,  FOR  THE   YEARS  1905-$  AND  1910-11. 


1905-6 

1910-11 

Week  of  the  month. 

Number 
em- 
ployed. 

Amount 
paid  to 
workers. 

Amount 
remaining 
due 
workers. 

Number 
em- 
ployed. 

Amount 
paid  to 
workers. 

Amount 
remaining 
due 
workers. 

September: 
l^t  week 

2 

$4.82 

2dweek  

7 

$20.92 

10 

36.19 

3d  week 

11 

$6«.  03 

33.25 

11 

$98.59 

4th  week 

12 

76.70 

35.08 

10 

70.25 

October: 
1st  week 

12 

51.92 

50.50 

10 

75.22 

2<1  week  

13 

93.08 

35.00 

11 

66.83 

10.00 

3d  week    . 

13 

74.00 

41.50 

14 

63.67 

43.00 

4th  week 

13 

76.08 

43.00 

14 

78.92 

55.83 

5th  week 

12 

62,50 

14 

54.73 

96,93 

November: 
1st  week 

13 

74.50 

15 

124.67 

•     8O.16 

2d  week  

13 

81.33 

77.17 

16 

97.25 

93.16 

3d  week 

13 

77.09 

77.00 

17 

61.17 

134.80 

4th  week 

13 

140.  98 

17 

53.50 

188.33 

December: 
1st  week 

13 

119.  06 

75.34 

16 

170.67 

127.16 

2d  week 

12 

83.25 

59.67 

15 

116.74 

124.75 

3d  week 

11 

73  25 

55  92 

15 

136  08 

104  33 

4th  week 

4 

54.61 

17.67 

14 

109.25 

78.33 

5th  week 

5.  00 

11.67 

January  : 
1st  week  .                          .... 

9 

63.50 

4.91 

14 

106.83 

78.00 

2d  week 

10 

75.63 

13 

97  67 

77  00 

3d  week  

10 

53.08 

5.50 

13 

93.33 

75.00 

4th  week 

10 

52.33 

17.00 

13 

92.66 

78.00 

5th  week 

9 

13.54 

58  00 

12 

83  66 

80  00 

February: 
1st  week  

9 

30.00 

90.00 

11 

83.00 

81.00 

2d  week. 

9 

79  50 

104  25 

11 

163  08 

3  00 

3d  week  

7 

54.02 

102.57 

11 

11.00 

27.09 

4th  week 

12 

73  25 

89.93 

13 

78  98 

38  09 

Maroh: 
1st  week  

14 

93.35 

99.08 

13 

81.08 

40.09 

2d  week  

13 

70  89 

86  70 

14 

72  74 

41.84 

3d  week 

14 

3*^67 

129  71 

14 

92  25 

47  00 

4th  week 

15 

46  58 

154  88 

13 

88  08 

56  00 

5th  week... 

13  67 

12  33 

April: 
1st  week 

11 

71  12 

121  36 

14 

107  3"* 

53  00 

2dweek..  . 

15 

44  25 

161  99 

14 

99  00 

46  33 

3d  week 

15 

62.87 

191  60 

14 

100  50 

34  60 

4th  week  

12 

91.45 

199.88 

14 

106  25 

51.00 

5th  week.. 

3 

22  25 

225  12 

May: 

1st  week 

13 

124  79 

215  50 

13 

gq  33 

50  5Q 

2d  week.. 

14 

82  67 

236  67 

13 

102.50 

51  00 

3d  week 

13 

57  80 

232  00 

13 

107  50 

45  00 

4th  week  

13 

104  74 

231  50 

13 

137  00 

6  00 

5th  week 

25  00 

13 

86  83 

4  00 

June: 
1st  week  

12 

95  67 

194  08 

15 

%  50 

5  00 

2d  week. 

12 

56  42 

217  83 

13 

91  66 

2.00 

3d  week  

12 

68.00 

200.76 

13 

107  50 

4th  week.  .  . 

12 

21  35 

254  57 

13 

99  go 

July: 
1st  week  

10 

85.50 

228.89 

12 

61.51 

2d  week  

g 

74  67 

217  72 

9 

38.50 

3d  week 

g 

159  83 

33  00 

7 

56  33 

4th  week  

5 

50.35 

.50 

5 

12  50 

5th  week 

2 

2  00 

- 

Length  of  season.  .  . 

48  weeks. 

47  weeks 

The  owner  opened  a  shop  in  a  business  building  about  15  years  ago 
and  has  at  present  a  force  of  10  to  15  workers,  the  majority  of  whom 
began  with  her  as  young  learners.  In  1905-6,  when  the  first  pay-roll 
record  was  taken,  she  had  been  in  business  10  years.  Yet  there  was 


60 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOE    STATISTICS. 


a  deficit  in  the  weekly  pay  roll  every  week  of  the  48  except  2.  The 
amount  remaining  due  exceeded  the  amount  of  wages  paid  in  more 
than  one-half  of  the  48  weeks  worked.  By  1910,  five  years  later,  she 
was  on  a  somewhat  better  financial  basis.  There  was  no  deficit  on 
the  pay  roll  9  of  the  47  weeks  the  shop  was  open,  and  the  amount 
remaining  due  exceeded  the  wage  paid  in  only  six  (12.9  per  cent)  of 
the  47  weeks  worked. 

In  1905-6  the  deficit  in  the  pay  roll  shows  two  peaks,  one  in  Novem- 
ber and  one  in  May.  These  correspond  to  the  heights  of  the  dress- 
making season,  and  are  due  to  the  fact  that  few  people  pay  their  bills 
until  their  wardrobe  is  complete,  but  the  money  begins  to  come  in  as 
the  finished  gowns  are  sent  out.  In  1910-11,  the  fall  peak  still  oc- 
curred in  November,  but  in  the  spring  March  shows  the  greatest 
deficit. 

The  significance  of  this  situation  to  the  individual  girl  is  shown  by 
the  weekly  wage  record  of  a  $10  (later  $12)  draper  working  in  the 
shop. 

TABLE  13.— WAGES  PAID  AND  DUE  A  $10  DRAPER  (RAISED  TO  $12  IN  1910-11)  WORKING 
IN  THE  SHOP  OF  THE  PRECEDING  DRESSMAKER. 

[Based  on  pay  roll.] 


Week  of  the  month. 

1905-6 

1910-11 

Number 
of  days 
worked 
per  week. 

Amount. 

Number 
of  days 
worked 
per  week. 

Amount. 

Paid. 

Owed. 

Paid. 

Owed. 

September: 
1st  week 

1 

2d  week  

i 

3d  week 

i 

6 
6 
6 
6 
6 

6 
6 
6 
5 

? 

6 
4 

$5.00 
5.00 

9.00 
8.00 
11.00 
11.00 
20.00 

23.00 
20.00 
20.00 
28.33 

25.50 
16.17 
26.17 
10.00 
11.67 

5 
6 

6 
5 
6 
6j 
6| 

? 

5 
6 

si 

6 
6 
6 

$10.00 
12.00 

12.00 
10.00 
5.00 
8.50 
3.00 

14.00 
12.00 
5.00 
2.00 

20.00 
15.00 
14.00 
14.00 

4th  week 

$10.00 

6.00 
11.00 
7.00 
10.00 
1.00 

7.00 
10.00 
10.  00 

October  : 
1st  week 

2d  week       .  .             

3d  week  

$7.00 
10.00 
18.00 

15.00 
15.00 
20.00 
30.00 

21.00 
18.00 
16.00 
12.00 

4th  week      

5th  week 

November: 
1st  week 

2d  week 

3d  week    

4th  week 

December: 
1st  week 

12.00 
16.00 
5.  50 
16.17 
5.00 

15.00 
15.00 
8.33 
8.33 
5.00 

2.00 

10.00 
6.67 
10.00 

1.00 
15.00 

2d  week  

3d  week        

4th  week 

5th  week 

January: 
1st  week 

5 
6 
5 
5 
6 

6 
6 
5 
6 

6 
4 
6 
6 

6 

? 

6 
4i 

5 

? 

6 

6 
5 
6 
6 

12.00 
11.50 
12.00 
12.00 
11.00 

8.00 
24.00 

12.00 
12.00 
12.00 
12.00 
10.00 

12.00 

2d  week.  *  

3d  week 

4th  week 

5th  week  

5.00 

13.00 
13.00 
15.00 
15.00 

24.00 
9.00 
19.00 
32.67 

February  : 
1st  week 

2d  week 

3d  week      ... 

4.00 
4.00 

10.00 
10.00 
12.00 
12.00 

4th  week 

8.00 

10.00 
10.00 
10.00 
12.00 

March: 
1st  week          

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week... 

3.00 

DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


61 


TABLE  13.— WAGES  PAID  AND  DUE  A  S10  DRAPER  (RAISED  TO  $12  IN  1910-11)  WORKING 
IN  THE  SHOP  OF  THE  PRECEDING  DRESSMAKER— Concluded. 


Week  of  the  month. 

1905-6 

1910-11 

Number 
of  days 
worked 
per  week. 

Amount. 

Number 
of  days 
worked 
per  week. 

Amount. 

Paid. 

Owed. 

Paid. 

Owed. 

April: 
1st  week 

S1 

6 

? 

$11.00 
1.00 
4.00 
11.67 

$32.67 
43.67 
51.67 
51.50 
61.50 

60.00 
66.00 
72.00 
72.00 

6 
5 

J! 

$12.00 
12,00 
10.00 
10.00 

$12.00 
18.00 
9.00 
11.00 

2d  week      

3d  week 

4th  week 

May: 
1st  week       

6 
6 
6 
5 

15.50 
6.00 
6.00 
10.00 

5 
6 
6 
6 
3 

5 
5 
6 
5 

4 
4 
6 
o 

10.00 
11.00 
12.00 
18.00 
8.00 

9.00 
15.00 
12.00 
10.00 

8.00 
8.00 
12.00 

11.00 
12.00 
12.00 
6.00 
4.00 

5.00 

2d  week                               .   - 

3d  week 

4th  week    

June: 
1  ^t  week              

6- 
6 
5 
6 

5 
5 
6 

11 

9.00 
12.00 

73.00 
73.00 
81.33 
91.33 

93.00 
90.00 
50.00 

2d  week 

3d  week 

4th  week 

July: 
1st  week          

12.00 
13.00 
52.00 
61.50 
7.00 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week 

5th  week 

Total 

253 

457.  67 

240^           474.00 

In  1905-6  there  were  only  6  weeks  in  the  46  when  her  employer  was 
not  in  debt  to  her.  In  the  last  week  of  June  and  in  the  first  two  weeks 
of  July  her  weekly  arrears  in  wage  were  at  least  $90.  In  1910-11  the 
improvement  in  the  financial  condition  of  her  employer  resulted  in 
better  conditions  for  the  workers.  Twelve  of  the  45  weeks  showed 
no  deficit  and  the  weekly  arrears  in  wage  reached  the  maximum  of  $30. 

The  customer  of  the  small  dressmaker,  therefore,  has  a  serious  obli- 
gation which  she  often  does  not  recognize,  because  she  does  not  realize 
the  far-reaching  effects  of  her  negligence  or  failure  to  pay  her  bills 
promptly.  The  girl  ultimately  bears  the  brunt,  for  her  employer,  with 
no  reserve  capital,  can  pay  her  girls  only  as  her  own  bills  are  paid. 
The  large  shops  with  reserve  capital,  for  this  reason,  offer  another 
strong  inducement  to  the  girl,  for  the  advantage  of  a  regular  weekly 
wage  often  counterbalances  the  advantages  of  a  longer  season.  On 
this  basis  alone,  the  large  shops  compete  seriously  with  the  small 
dressmaker. 

THE  PROBLEM  OF  COMPETITION. 

Capital,  credit,  and  cost  and  character  of  product  form  the  basis 
of  the  struggle  for  existence  carried  on  by  the  custom  dressmaker 
versus  the  wholesale  manufacturer,  the  large  custom  shop  versus  the 
small,  and  the  woman  dressmaker  versus  the  man  tailor,  and  this 
struggle  forms  the  second  great  industrial  problem  in  dressmaking — 
competition.  The  development  of  the  ready-made  wear  has  had  two 


62  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF   LABOR    STATISTICS. 

definite  results — (1)  decreasing  the  amount  and  (2)  changing  the  kind 
of  work  done  by  the  dressmaker.  The  scope  of  business  of  the  private 
and  of  the  transitional  dressmaker  is  now  largely  limited  to  fancy 
and  lingerie  dresses  and  to  alterations  of  custom  or  ready-made  wear. 
"Most  of  the  work  left  to  dressmakers  is  the  making  of  fancy  gowns, 
and  work  for  people  not  of  regulation  size  and  figure/'  said  a  private 
dressmaker.  "Some  of  my  old  customers  now  depend  altogether  on 
ready-made  wear.  Others  may  have  one  fancy  gown  made  in  a 
year."  By  the  irony  of  fate,  a  large  part  of  the  work  which  has 
passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  dressmaker  into  the  factory  comes 
back  to  her  to  be  altered  to  fit  the  customer.  "We  altered  the 
prettiest  little  silk  dress  this  afternoon/1  said  a  forewoman  in  a 
dressmaking  shop.  "The  customer  bought  it  down  town  for  $18. 
We  couldn't  have  made  one  like  it  for  less  than  $35  or  $40." 

While  the  large  manufacturer  has  competed  most  seriously  with 
the  dressmaker  doing  a  small  or  medium-sized  business,  the  increasing 
perfection  of,  the  ready-made  product  is  resulting  in  its  adoption  by 
the  wealthier  classes.  Custom  work,  because  more  expensive,  must 
maintain  its  position  chiefly  by  superiority  of  product.  While  the 
small  dressmaker  has  only  this  weapon,  the  large  custom  dressmaker 
is  adopting  other  methods  of  maintaining  her  position  by  introducing 
variety  as  well  as  superiority  of  product — a  movement  which  explains 
the  growrth  of  the  large  shop.  Some  8  to  10  employers  in  Boston  have 
faced  squarely  the  popularity  of  the  ready-made  wear  and  added  a 
department  of  ready-to-wear  or  ready-made.  Since  the  prevalence  and 
popularity  of  the  tailored  street  suits  transferred  to  the  ladies'  tailor 
a  large  proportion  of  the  high-grade  custom  tailored  work,  the  large 
dressmaker  is  meeting  this  situation  by  adding  a  department  con- 
ducted by  men  tailors  or  by  making  some  combination  with  a  man 
tailor.  Thus  the  large  shop  is  meeting  all  its  competitors  by  adopt- 
ing their  own  weapons. 

The  small  dressmaker  can  compete  with  the  large  custom  dress- 
maker because  of  smaller  expenses  and  lower  prices.  While  the 
dressmaker  doing  a  moderate  business  is  being  crowded  out,  the 
importance  of  the  day  and  home  worker  in  the  trade  has  been  already 
noted.  M.  du  Maroussem  was  convinced  of  the  increasing  importance 
of  the  small  dressmakers  in  France  and  pointed  out  three  factors 
which  were  facilitating  this  development:  First,  the  great  furnish- 
ings stores  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  patrons  quite  as  wide  a  choice  of 
materials  as  do  the  great  dressmaking  establishments;  second,  the 
journals  of  the  modes  furnish  the  artistic  idea  and  provide  the  intel- 
lectual part  of  the  task  for  the  most  humble  dressmakers;  and  third, 
the  pattern  houses  perform  the  same  service  in  a  less  public  way. 
To  this  list  might  be  added  a  fourth  factor  in  the  American  situation — 
the  importation  of  European  models.  The  importers  are  bringing 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.  63 

about  a  remarkable  democratization  of  the  trade,  and,  as  a  member 
of  a  large  Boston  firm  explained,  are  helping  the  smallest  dressmaker, 
if  clever  and  ingenious,  to  become  a  serious  competitor  of  the  largest 
establishment. 

The  increasing  popularity  of  the  tailored  street  suit  has  made  the 
man  tailor  an  important  competitor,  for  it  is  generally  admitted  that 
men  excel  in  heavy  tailored  work.  The  small  tailor  who  does  his 
own  work  can  underbid  the  dressmaker  who  must  employ  a  tailor. 
The  large  tailors  are  gradually  adding  waist  departments  and  dress- 
making for  the  convenience  of  their  customers  and  for  the  equaliza- 
tion of  the  seasonal  fluctuation  through  a  wider  variety  of  product. 

' '  The  competition  of  the  ready-made  and  ready-to-wear  of  the  Jewish 
tailors  and  of  small  dressmakers  who  turn  out  work  for  lower  prices 
is  making  a  serious  invasion  on  high-class  large  establishments," 
said  the  owner  of  a  high-class  shop.  "It  is  only  within  the  last  few 
years — the  era  of  the  importer — that  they  have  appeared  on  the 
scene  as  serious  competitors.  Now  that  importers  bring  the  Euro- 
pean models  to  New  York  twice  a  year,  the  small  manufacturer  and 
small  dressmaker  and  tailor  can  see  the  styles  and  get  the  ideas  just 
as  well  as  the  large  firms  who  have  gone  to  Europe  to  get  them. 
They  can  turn  out  the  product  at  much  less  cost  because  they  do  not 
maintain  the  pretentious  establishments  and  specialized  workers  of 
the  large  shops." 

Dressmakers  of  suburban  cities  have  an  additional  problem  in 
competition.  Wealthy  people  of  Worcester,  Cambridge,  and  Somer- 
ville  go  to  Boston  for  their  better  costumes.  Not  only  the  large 
stores  offering  high-class  ready-made  and  ready-to-wear,  but  large 
custom  dressmakers  as  well,  draw  the  trade  away  from  the  home  city. 
Little  need  or  opportunity  for  the  development  of  high-class  dress- 
making therefore  exists.  The  prestige  of  fashionable  Boston  estab- 
lishments makes  impossible  high  charges  in  the  smaller  centers.  ''We 
could  do  just  as  good  work  as  the  Boston  shops,"  said  a  Worcester 
dressmaker,  "but  we  can't  ask  half  the  price."  The  statement  was 
well  borne  out  by  a  wealthy  woman,  who  said  "I  had  a  suit  made  at 

in  Boston  this  fall  which  cost  $100.  I  could  have  gotten  it 

for  half  the  price  in  Worcester,  if  1  hadn't  been  in  a  hurry  and  had  to 
have  it  in  a  few  days."  Department  stores  and  mail-order  houses 
also  secure  the  trade  of  the  less  prosperous.  This  competition,  there- 
fore, forces  the  dressmaking  trade  in  these  cities  to  remain  largely  in 
the  elementary  stages  of  the  trade. 

The  lack  of  development  in  Lowell  is  due  to  a  different  cause. 
Lowell  is  a  mill  city  with  a  large  population  and  with  large  invest- 
ment of  capital,  but  the  capitalists  do  not  live  in  Lowell,  and  the 
population  which  resides  there  creates  small  demand  for  high-class 
work. 


64  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

Thus  the  dressmaking  trade  in  small  cities  shows  little  develop- 
ment for  various  reasons,  which  may  be  summed  up  in  the  one 
reason,  lack  of  demand. 

The  two  great  industrial  problems — capital  and  competition — are 
the  barriers  which  are  retarding  and  changing  the  current  of  develop- 
ment. 

The  women's  clothing  trade,  which  has  longest  retained  its  domes- 
tic character,  has  within  the  last  two  or  three  decades  been  brought 
sharply  face  to  face  with  the  industrial  development  and  organization 
of  the  twentieth  century.  Capital  and  credit  have. become  essential 
for  existence  for  all  but  the  dayworker  and  assume  increasing  impor- 
tance with  the  increasing  size  of  the  shop.  The  small  dressmaker 
has  only  a  limited  credit,  and  must  have  reserve  capital  to  meet 
running  expenses.  Large  establishments  have  long  credit,  but  have 
enormous  current  expenses,  necessitating  large  available  capital. 
The  extension  of  credit  to  customers  has  become  so  thoroughly  estab- 
lished that  there  are  few  shops  which  do  not  have  a  large  or  small 
number  of  credit  customers.  The  small  and  medium-sized  shops  are 
collapsing  under  this  system.  The  large  shops,  though  often  seriously 
inconvenienced,  can  use  the  credit  system  as  a  powerful  weapon 
against  the  small  competitor. 

THE  LABOR  FORCE. 

Besides  the  problems  of  capital  and  competition  the  recruiting  of 
workers  has  become  one  of  the  most  serious  questions  which  face  the 
employer  in  the  dressmaking  trade,  for  the  disappearance  of  the 
apprenticeship  system  and  of  opportunities  for  learning  the  trade  in 
the  shop,  together  with  the  increasing  demand  for  skill  and  artistic 
ability,  are  leaving  both  employer  and  worker  in  a  practically  unten- 
able position.  These  conditions  within  the  trade,  together  with  the 
great  increase  in  the  number  and  variety  of  openings  for  women 
workers,  have  left  the  trade  commonly  regarded  as  peculiarly  belong- 
ing to  women  almost  stranded  for  lack  of  good  workers. 

The  scarcity  of  skilled  workers  menaces  the  dressmaking  trade  in 
Boston.  The  labor  situation  in  a  city  like  Worcester  seems  to  be  less 
acute  than  in  a  larger  city  like  Boston.  The  large  employers  of 
Worcester  say  they  seldom  take  on  a  new  worker,  holding  their  regu- 
lar force  year  after  year,  and  some  of  their  workers  have  been  with 
them  10,  14,  and  even  18  years.  One  employer  of  12  girls  has  not 
taken  on  a  new  girl  for  5  or  6  years,  and  some  girls  have  been  with  her 
14  years.  The  greater  stability  of  the  force  in  such  a  city  is  due  to 
the  longer  seasons,  to  the  fact  that  comparatively  few  shops  employ 
help,  giving  little  opportunity  for  shifting  from  one  to  another,  and 
to  the  fewer  opportunities  in  other  lines  of  work  for  the  girl  who  feels 
superior  to  the  factory. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


65 


The  scarcity  of  skilled  workers,  however,  is  noticeable  there  as  in 
other  cities.  Seventeen  of  the  eighteen  regular  employers  complained 
of  the  great  scarcity  of  workers.  The  superintendent  of  a  large  store 
which  conducts  a  custom  dressmaking  department  said  he  could  "get 
plenty  of  fitters  in  the  dressmakers  who  have  had  to  give  up  business 
because  of  inability  to  get  efficient  help,  but  I  have  had  an  advertise- 
ment in  the  paper  for  a  head  sleeve  girl  for  a  week,  and  no  one  has 
even  applied."  Another  dressmaker,  who  used  to  keep  several  assist- 
ants, can  not  get  satisfactory  help  anywhere  at  present,  so  only  does 
such  work  as  she  can  manage  herself.  "Many  dressmakers  who  used 
to  do  a  big  business,"  she  said,  "have  given  it  up  for  lack  of  workers, 
and  now  go  out  by  the  day." 

How  are  these  workers  recruited?  Advertisements  in  the  news- 
papers, placards  in  doors  and  windows,  and  passing  the  word  through 
employees  to  their  friends  are  the  most  common  methods. 

TABLE  14.— METHOD    OF  SECURING   POSITIONS  AS  REPORTED   BY  WORKERS 

THEMSELVES. 

[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Method  of  secviring  position. 

Workers  using  specified 
methods. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Personal  relation: 
Friend  

Go 
18 
16 
7- 

Relative  

Forewoman 

Employer 

Total 

106 

39 
40 
8 
124 

33.5 

12.3 
12.6 
2.5 
39.1 

Advertisements  

Application. 

Agency  

Trade  school  

Grand  total  

317 

100.0 

While  39.1  per  cent  of  the  positions  reported  by  workers  visited 
were  secured  through  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  this  means 
is  open  to  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  workers  as  a  whole,  the  large 
number  here  shown  being  because  all  graduates  of  this  school  were  fol- 
lowed up.1  The  personal  relation,  hearing  of  and  securing  a  position 
through  friend,  relative,  or  friendly  forewoman,  seems  to  be  the  most 
common  method  for  the  more  stable  workers,  33.5  per  cent  of  the  317 
positions  reported  by  workers  visited  having  been  secured  by  this 
means.  Advertisements,  application  (on  seeing  a  sign  in  the  window  or 
by  chance),  and  the  employment  agency  are  rather  the  resort  of  the 
drifters  and  less  competent  workers  or  strangers  and  new  workers, 
27.4  per  cent  of  the  317  positions  being  secured  through  this  means. 

1  Eighty-four  graduates,  who  had  been  trained  in  dressmaking,  were  interviewed. 
29885°— Bull.  193—16 5 


66  BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

Good  workers  are  so  scarce  that,  once  having  demonstrated  their 
ability,  they  have  small  need  of  outside  agencies  to  secure  work  for 
them. 

These  methods  of  recruiting  the  working  force  result  in  a  motley 
assemblage  of  aspirants,  so  employers  say.  "I  advertised  the  other 
day  for  four  girls/'  said  one  employer,  "and  about  four  dozen  applied. 
I  tried  four,  but  they  are  not  much  good."  "American  girls  are  still 
going  into  dressmaking,"  said  a  French  dressmaker,  "but  they  don't 
seem  to  have  sufficient  fundamental  training  and  experience.  They 
make  so  many  serious  blunders  and  ruin  beautiful  materials  by  care- 
lessness and  awkwardness.  A  woman  of  36  came  to  the  shop  the 
other  day,  and  I  took  her  on  at  $1  a  day.  She  could  not  do  any- 
thing weU.  Custom  dressmaking  can  exist  only  by  putting  out  a 
product  superior  to  the  ready-made  wear."  "There  are  many  old 
women  going  about  applying  at  shops  for  work.  They  give  a  long 
list  of  places  where  they  have  worked.  They  are  absolutely  inefficient, 
and  I  have  to  do  the  work  over  after  them." 

The  most  promising  applicants  are  engaged,  although  personally 
unknown  to  the  employer.  He  usually  asks  some  questions  regarding 
former  positions,  but  gives  little  heed  to  the  answers.  "  We  can't  fol- 
low up  the  references  the  girls  give  us,"  said  one.  "We  would  not 
get  anything  else  done."  The  girls  frankly  admit  that  they  always 
"  tell  a  good  story."  "  If  I  was  getting  $7  a  week  at  my  last  place,  I  tell 
the  next  employer  I  was  getting  $8,"  said  one  girl.  The  girls  are  en- 
gaged on  the  spot.  If  they  prove  competent  and  faithful  workers, 
every  inducement  is  offered  to  hold  them;  if  not,  they  are  dismissed  at 
the  earliest  possible  moment.  Where  the  forewomen  and  head  girls 
remain  fairly  stable  and  permanent  and  when  they  are  women  of  tact, 
consideration,  and  administrative  ability,  the  trade  does  not  suffer  as 
much  as  might  be  expected  from  this  haphazard  method;  but  where 
such  conditions  do  not  prevail  the  workroom  is  sometimes  chaotic.1 

The  labor  force  may  be  classified  into  three  groups,  (1)  the  nucleus 
or  core  of  the  force,  which  is  employed  throughout  the  shop  season, 
(2)  the  finishers  and  helpers,  who  are  an  essential  part  of  the  force 
but  are  laid  off  twice  a  year  in  dull  seasons,  and  (3)  the  "rush  hands" 
who  are  taken  on  only  during  the  height  of  the  rush  season  to  aid  in 
getting  out  on  schedule  time  the  work  which  rapidly  accumulates  for 
immediate  completion.2  The  core  of  the  force,  which  works  about  40 
weeks  or  more,  the  characteristic  season,  constituted  but  21.8  per  cent 
of  the  600  custom  workers  and  a  still  smaller  proportion,  15.3  per 

1  This  haphazard  method  of  securing  workers  is  described  by  M.  Aiae  as  the  prevailing  situation  in  Paris. 
Les  Patronnes,  Employees,  et  Ouvrieres  de  1'Habillement  a  Paris,  par  Aine,  en  Reforme  Sociale  (1898), 
Vol.  V,  p.  68. 

2  M.  du  Maroussem  describes  the  throo classes  as  (1)  "ouvrieres  du  noyau,"  who  have  an  average  working  i 
season  of  260  to  300  days  a  year;  (2)  "ouvrieres  de  la categorie  intermediate,"  who  average  200  to  230  days; 
and  (3)  "ouvrieres  supplemental, "  who  average  from  60  to  160  days.    France,  Office  du  Travail.    La  | 
Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vehement  a  Paris,  p.  494. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.  6  i 

cent,  of  the  522  factory  workers  studied  from  pay  rolls.  la  the  cus- 
tom shops  this  core  forms  a  varying  proportion  ranging  from  9.4  per 
cent  in  shop  A  to  55.2  per  cent  in  shop  F,  but  a  median  of  26.2  per 
cent  appears  in  the  14  custom  shops  studied  intensively.1  The  stable 
portion  of  the  working  force,  therefore,  constitutes  a  much  larger 
proportion  in  custom  than  in  factory  dressmaking,  where  the  median 
of  the  two  shops  studied  is  17.2  per  cent. 

This  nucleus  force  comprises  the  workers  necessary  for  production, 
but  all  are  not  necessarily  the  highly  paid.  Waist,  skirt,  and  sleeve 
workers,  and  tailors,  where  employed,  are  necessary  in  the  nucleus 
force,  while  the  head  workers  are  usually  retained  through  the  shop 
season.  A  few  of  the  less  skilled  receiving  less  than  $10  a  week  also 
secure  the  long  season. 

TABLE  15.-OCCUPATIOX  AND  WAGE  OF  NUCLEUS  FORCE  IN  FOUR   LARGE  CUSTOM 

SHOPS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Case 

Shop  A. 

Shop  B. 

Shop  C. 

Shop  D. 

ber. 

Occupation. 

Wage. 

Occupation. 

Wage. 

Occupation. 

Wage. 

Occupation. 

Wage. 

1 

Head  fitter  

$30 
30 

Head  fitter...  . 
Head  wiv'^t" 

$45 
30 

Forewoman.  .  . 
Head  coat  

$25 
15 

Waist  draper.. 
do  

$19 

19 

3 
4 

Cutter  and 
fitter. 
Tailor 

25 
21 

Head  skirt  
Coat  tailor.  .  . 

24 

22 

Waist  draper- 
Head  skirt  

13 
13 

Skirt  draper... 
Waist  finisher. 

17 
15 

5 

Head    skirt 

18 

....  do  

21 

Head  sleeve... 

12 

SJkirt  finisher.. 

12i 

6 

draper. 

Titter 

18 

do  

21 

Wai^t  finisher, 

11 

Waist  finisher. 

12 

s 

Waist  draper.. 
Sleeve  draper 

16 
14 

Waist  draper., 
do 

16 
16 

Machine 

operator. 
Waist  finisher 

10 
10 

Skirt  helper.  .  . 
Stock...  

10 
10 

9 

10 

Shopper  
Designer 

12 
10 

Head  sleeve 
draper. 
Office 

16 
15 

Coat  tailor  
Skirt  finisher  . 

10 

&4 

Waist  helper.. 
...do... 

9 

7 

11 

Waist  draper  . 

9 

Coat  

15 

Waist  finisher. 

3 

do  

6 

13 

Clerical 

8 

Skirt      

14 

do  

13 

do 

14 

Stock     .   .  . 

IT 

14 

Waist 

12 

Finisher 

6 

15 

do     . 

12 

16 

Offic*1 

11 

i: 

Waist  .  . 

11 

is 

Sleeve 

11 

19 

Wai>t 

11 

20 

do 

10 

21 

Skirt 

10 

22 

Coat  

10 

23 

Waist 

9 

Sleeve 

8i 

°5 

Wain  

s| 

26 

Skirt 

8 

27 

Waist 

8 

2^ 

Office 

8 

29 

Waist  .     . 

7^ 

30 

Skirt 

6 

" 

The  less  skilled  workers  form  a  varying  proportion  of  the  nucleus 
force,  being  16.7  per  cent  in  shop  A,  26.7  per  cent  in  shop  B,  27.3  per 
cent  in  shop  D,  and  35.7  per  cent  in  shop  C.  The  medium-skilled 
workers  can,  in  small  numbers,  thus  obtain  long  working  seasons  in 
the  large  shop,  a  situation  which  enables  a  limited  number  to  profit 

i  See  Table  30.    Those  working  35  to  40  weeks  in  shops  D  and  X  are  considered  the  core. 


68  BULLETIN   OF   THE  BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

by  the  opportunities  there  offered  for  wider  experience  and  advance- 
ment. Needless  to  say,  those  who  are  thus  retained  are  the  most 
valuable  and  promising  workers. 

The  second  group  of  finishers  and  helpers,  who  are  an  essential  part 
of  the  force  but  have  two  distinct  seasons,  constitute  about  20  per 
cent  of  the  force  in  custom  dressmaking,  and  only  about  one-tenth 
(11.5  per  cent)  of  the  factory  workers.  The  third  group,  the  drifters 
and  rush  hands,  working  less  than  six  months,  claims  the  largest 
proportion  of  workers  in  both  branches,  more  than  one-half  (58.2  per 
cent)  of  the  custom  workers  and  almost  three-fourths  (73.2  per  cent) 
of  the  factory  workers.  An  element  of  error  enters  into  this  figure 
which  can  not  be  checked  up  definitely  because  the  group  necessarily 
includes  also  those  who  left  in  the  middle  of  the  year  because  of 
illness,  to  be  married,  because  of  a  quarrel  with  the  forewoman,  or 
because  of  some  personal  reason,  but  the  proportions  are  probably 
approximate. 

Three  reasons  are  most  frequently  heard  from  workers  for  their 
choice  of  this  trade  as  an  occupation:  natural  taste  and  inclination, 
knowledge  acquired  at  school,  and  advice  of  family  or  friends. 
Almost  one-half  (41.5  per  cent)  of  the  200  women  visited  went  into 
the  trade  because  they  had  a  natural  taste  for  it  and  had  always 
sewed  at  home.  ''It  just  came  natural.  I  knew  how  to  sew  ever 
since  I  was  a  little  girl,  and  always  sewed  at  home,"  was  the  general 
statement,  or  "I  just  naturally  knew  how  to  sew.  I  wanted  to  get 
into  some  business  with  an  opportunity  for  use  and  development." 
"I  came  to  Boston,  wishing  to  get  office  work,"  said  one.  "I  could 
not  get  a  place;  sewing  was  natural  to  me,  so  I  went  into  a  dress- 
making shop."  This  is  frequently  the  reason  influencing  the  woman 
suddenly  thrown  upon  her  own  resources,  who  naturally  turns  to 
the  work  for  which  she  has  some  natural  capacity.  "My  husband 
died,  and  I  must  support  myself  and  children,"  said  a  woman  of  40. 
"I  owned  a  little  store,  but  I  couldn't  make  it  pay  so  I  went  into  a 
large  dressmaking  shop  where  I  run  a  power  machine."  "I  have  no 
father,"  said  a  young  girl,  "and  I  wanted  to  help  put  my  small  sister 
through  school.  I  naturally  took  up  the  thing  I  liked  and  could  do 
best."  Some  (10  per  cent)  had  learned  the  fundamentals  of  sewing 
at  school,  either  in  the  public  school,  private  school,  or  convent,  and 
naturally  utilized  the  one  accomplishment  which  could  be  turned  to 
money-making.  Many  children  who  would  otherwise  have  to  go  to 
work  at  14  may  be  sent  to  a  trade  school  at  some  sacrifice  if  they  can 
within  a  limited  time  prepare  themselves  for  a  trade. 

Initiative  or  advice  of  family  or  friends  is  also  an  important  in- 
fluence in  determining  a  girl's  career.  The  dressmaking  trade,  like 
millinery,  carries  a  certain  prestige  not  accorded  other  industries 
because  it  has  an  apparent  relation  to  woman's  much-talked-of 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOE  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          69 

sphere,  because  of  the  type  of  product,  place  and  conditions  under 
which  the  work  is  done,  and  because  the  social  level  is  generally  higher 
than  that  of  factories.  Parents,  therefore,  frequently  determine 
for  the  girl  that  she  shall  be  a  dressmaker  just  as  those  of  a  higher 
social  level  decide  the  daughter  shall  become  a  teacher,  because  it  is 
the  '  *  genteel "  thing  to  do.  ' '  The  family  think  it  much  nicer  work  for 
a  girl  than  the  factory/'  "Mother  thinks  it  is  the  nicest  trade  for 
women."  The  prejudice  against  "the  factory"  in  the  families  of  the 
middle  class  of  Boston  and  surrounding  cities  is  a  problem  which  has 
frequently  baffled  the  directors  of  trade  schools  and  vocational 
bureaus  for  girls. 

Since  the  small  wage  and  short  season  of  the  young  worker  brings 
a  very  small  income,  one  is  curious  to  know  from  what  type  of  family 
these  young  workers  come.  For  dressmaking  is  a  trade  which  assumes 
a  professional  character  and  necessitates  years  of  training  and  ex- 
perience, and  the  majority  of  its  workers,  when  entering  the  trade, 
must  not  of  necessity  be  economically  dependent  on  the  trade  itself, 
this  being  true  of  any  occupation  of  a  semiprofessional  nature.  The 
parent  of  the  $4  and  $5  worker  ranges  as  to  occupation  from  the 
laborer  to  the  professional  man,  but  the  family  income  in  the  majority 
of  cases  is  not  large,  and  the  nominal  annual  income  of  the  young  $5 
worker  ranges  only  from  $152  to  $238. 

Yet  the  parents  were  putting  their  daughters  into  a  seasonal  trade 
which  requires  some  years  of  experience  before  an  adequate  wage 
can  be  earned.  Five  girls  contributed  to  the  family  income  by  turn- 
ing then-  entire  wage  over  to  the  mother,  while  others  contributed 
something  to  the  family  and  met  part  of  their  own  expenses  from  their 
wage. 

The  attitude  of  the  parents  is,  however,  expressed  by  an  Italian 
girl  of  15  on  a  weekly  wage  of  $5  who  lived  in  a  miserably  dirty  brick 
tenement  house  in  a  very  poor  neighborhood.  "Mother  likes  dress- 
making as  a  trade,"  she  said.  "She  knows  about  the  long  vacations. 
It  is  hard  for  her  if  the  children  are  out  of  work,  and  if  they  can  find 
something  to  do  she  likes  it  better.  But  if  not,  she  is  willing  that 
they  should  be  at  home."  A  girl  of  17  on  a  $4  wage  lived  in  a  neat 
but  poorly  furnished  home  with  her  mother.  She  "had  thought  of 
bookkeeping,  but  mother  didn't  like  the  idea  of  girls  working  in 
offices,  so  when  I  couldn't  finish  high  school,  she  wished  me  to  learn 
dressmaking.  I  always  liked  sewing."  The  parents  of  these  girls, 
while  realizing  the  long  period  of  apprenticeship  and  semidependence 
involved,  often  make  the  effort  to  give  their  daughters  a  training 
which  they  believe  will  give  them  "a  good  trade." 

Whatever  the  motive  for  entering  the  trade,  the  woman  who  goes 
into  a  skilled  trade  does  so  because  she  has  some  taste  or  capacity 
for  that  kind  of  work  OF  because  she  sees  in  it  the  opportunity  for  a 


70  BULLETIX  OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

profession.  In  this  respect  the  worker  in  the  skilled  trade  differs 
from  the  one  in  unskilled  trades,  who  is  very  apt  to  have  left  school 
to  go  to  work  as  soon  as  the  law  allowed,  without  any  special  guidance 
or  inherent  fitness  for  work.  Proximity  to  a  factory  or  an  opening 
obtained  through  mother,  father,  brother,  or  sister  who  lias  worked 
there  before  seems  to  be  the  determining  influence  in  the  question  of 
the  factory  child's  future.1 

But  dressmaking  does  not  invite  the  young  girl  just  out  of  school 
with  wide-open  doors  as  do  the  unskilled  trades,  and  for  the  same  rea- 
son offers  little  opportunity  to  the  old  woman,  because  it  is  an  art 
and  a  skilled  trade  which  excludes  the  two  extremes.  One  per  cent 
of  the  200  personally  visited  were  under  16  years  of  age,  though  less 
than  one-third  of  1  per  cent  were  reported  as  in  this  age  group  for 
the  United  States  as  a  whole;  12.5  per  cent  of  the  200  visited  were 
under  18  years  of  age  and  but  8.5  per  cent  over  40.  The  census 
reports  a  large  percentage  of  older  women  because  of  the  ''fact  that 
dressmaking  can  be  pursued  at  home  b}^  women  whose  household 
duties  do  not  permit  them  to  participate  in  shop  or  factory  work,"  2 
and  all  census  returns  by  occupations  necessarily  include  the  women 
who  go  out  by  the  day,  who  are  women  of  more  maturity  and  expe- 
rience.3 But  since  this  study  attempts  to  deal  only  with  the  profes- 
sional worker  and  primarily  the  worker  in  the  shop,  the  domestic 
worker  has  not  been  included  and  the  dayworker  only  as  a  means 
of  comparison.  The  majority  of  shopworkers  are  neither  very  young 
nor  very  old.  Sixty  per  cent  of  the  200  visited  were  under  25 
years  of  age  and  four-fifths  under  35.4  Miss  Irwin  reported  that  the' 
ages  of  the  more  skilled  workers  in  Glasgow  range  from  20  upward, l 
one  employer  reporting  the  average  marriage  age  about  24, 5  and  M. 
Aine  found  the  majority  of  custom  workers  in  Paris  *' jeunes  et  gales." , 
"Few  married  women,"  he  said,  "work  in  the  shops."  "The  per- 
sonnel of  the  dressmaking  shops  is  primarily  yo img ;  one  encounters 
on  the  other  hand  more  elderly  women  in  the  cloak-making  establish- 
ments." e  The  older  woman  who  has  never  progressed  beyond  the 
$9  stage  is  occasionally  encountered  as  an  "extra"  in  the  large  shops 
or  as  a  helper  to  the  private  dressmaker,  but  usually  drifts,  as  she 

i  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  No.  17,  1913.     A  Trade  School  for  Girls:  A 
Preliminary  Investigation  in  a  Typical  Manufacturing  City,  Worcester,  Mass.     Washington,  1913,  p.  27. 

*  Special  Reports  of  the  Census  Office,  1900.     Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  71. 

8  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1905,  Vol.  II,  p.  155,  -which  reports  3,284  (57.5  per  cent)  of  the  5,711  dressmakers 
in  Boston  within  the  25  to  44  years  of  age  group. 

*  Carroll  D,  Wright  in  1884  determined  the  average  age  of  dressmakers  (employers)  in  Boston  to  be 
30.59  and  of  employees  26.48.    Fifteenth  Annual  Report  of  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor,  1884. 
Working  Girls  of  Boston,  p.  39.    This  average  is  based  on  a  small  number  of  cases:  Employers,  3S  cases;  , 
employees,  62  cases.  .      .,s •^^wm*&&f#&-' 

&  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  Glasgow,  1900,  p.  34. 

c  Les  Patronnes,  Employees  et  Ouvrieres  de  1'IIabillement  a  Paris,  par  Aine,  en  RSforme  Sociale  (1898;,  ' 
Vol.  V,  p.  69.  Also  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris,  Sept.  15,  \ 
1904,  p.  367. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


71 


becomes  more  incompetent  with  increasing  age,  either  into  alteration 
departments,  ready-made-clothing  factories,  or  into  home  work  for 
these  factories.  The  main  working  force  in  custom  dressmaking, 
therefore,  by  this  process  of  elimination  continues  to  consist  primarily 
of  comparatively  young  workers  with  a  certain  degree  of  skill. 

Professional  workers  in  custom  dressmaking  have,  on  the  whole, 
gone  to  work  at  an  early  age.  More  than  one-half  (54  per  cent)  of 
the  200  visited  began  at  the  age  of  16  or  under,  14.5  per  cent  beginning 
at  14  or  under,1  but  two  influences,  conditions  in  the  trade  itself,  and 
legislation,  are  tending  to  advance  the  age  at  entrance. 

TABLE  16.— AGE  AT  BEGINNING  WORK,  AS  REPORTED  BY  WORKERS. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Age  at  beginning  work. 

Numl>er. 

Percent. 

13  years         

j 

\      1*  = 

14  years 

22 

14.5 

15  vears 

37 

16  vears                                   .  ... 

42 

39.5 

17  years 

37 

18  years  

14 

29.0 

7 

20  vears 

11 

21  years      

22  vears 

4 

8.5 

23  vears  

i 

24  vears  and  over            

i 

No't  reported 

17 

8.5 

Total                        

200 

100.0 

The  increasing  complexity  of  the  work  and  specialization  of 
workers  is  resulting  in  the  practical  disappearance  of  the  apprentice- 
ship system  or  use  of  young  workers,  so  there  are  continuously  decreas- 
ing opportunities  for  girls  under  16  years  of  age.  Moreover,  legislation 
requiring  age  and  schooling  certificates  for  minors  between  14  and 
16  at  work  and  limiting  the  working  day  to  eight  hours  in  New  York 
and  Massachusetts  is  also  lending  its  influence  toward  their  exclusion.2 
More  than  one-fourth  (29  per  cent)  of  the  workers  visited  began 
work  between  17  and  19  years  of  age  and  8.5  per  cent  did  not  go  to 
work  until  20  or  over.  "  Girls  should  enter  the  trade  young,"  say 
most  dressmakers,  though  few  wish  to  bother  with  "very  young 
girls."  Not  all  these  girls  who  have  gone  to  work  at  an  early  age 
went  into  the  dressmaking  trade  immediately.  One-fourth  of  the 
200  visited  had  done  some  work  previously,  so  they  had  not  entered 
the  dressmaking  trade  as  early  as  the  previous  table  seems  to  show. 

i  Carroll  D.  Wright  in  18S4  reported  the  average  age  at  beginning  work  for  employer  dressmakers  as 
17.47  and  employees  18.82.  Fifteenth  Annual  Report  of  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor,  1884.  Working 
Girls  of  Boston,  by  Carroll  D.  Wright,  p.  39. 

«  New  York  Department  of  Labor,  Twenty-sixth  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  1908, 
Pt.  I.  p.  158. 


72 


BULLETIN   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 


The  following  table  shows  the  earlier  occupation  of  those  who  had 
worked  at  something  besides  dressmaking: 

TABLE  17.— PREVIOUS  EMPLOYMENT  OF  WOMEN  IN  THE  DRESSMAKING  TRADE, 

[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Workers. 

Number.       Per  cent. 

Professional:  Teacher 

1                 20 

Clerical:  Office  worker  

1     !             2.0 

Mercantile: 
Sales  girl                  

4 

Check  girl 

1 

Bundle  girl            .  .  . 

•> 

Total        

7                14.  0 

Custom  work: 
Millinery 

3 

1 

Tailoring       

1         

Total     

5     i            10.  0 

Domestic  and  personal  service: 
Housework  for  pay  

4     I   

Housework  at  home 

G 

Waitress  

Child's  nurse. 

5     • 

Ladv's  maid  

1      

All  kinds 

1 

Total 

18                36.  0 

Manufacturing: 
Machine-made  clothing 

7 

Miscellaneous 

11 

Total 

18    1            36.  0 

Grand  total  

50               100.  0 

Three  lines  of  work,  personal  and  domestic  service,  manufacturing, 
and  that  in  mercantile  establishments,  provided  transitory  or  juvenile 
employment  for  the  majority  of  workers  who  had  been  previously 
employed.  Personal  and  domestic  service  is  especially  an  opening 
for  young  foreign  girls  who  do  not  know  the  English  language.  "I 
have  done  all  sorts  of  things,  anything  to  learn  the  language/'  said 
a  young  Swedish  girl,  "  first  housework,  then  second  girl,  cook,  lady's 
maid,  and  combination  of  lady's  maid  and  family  seamstress." 
Finally,  she  was  a  finisher  in  a  large  dressmaking  establishment,  earn- 
ing $7  a  week.  A  young  Scotchwoman,  however,  who  was  not 
handicapped  by  language  difficulties,  had  been  caretaker  of  a  house 
when  she  first  arrived,  then  plain  sewer  at  $6,  filling  in  her  summers 
with  housework  and  taking  care  of  children,  and  at  the  end  of  12 
years  had  risen  to  the  position  of  head  waist  girl  in  a  large  dressmaking 
shop  with  a  weekly  wage  of  $30. 1 

1  Additional  illustrative  cases  of  girls  who  have  had  previous  employments: 
Case  A.— Born  and  educated  in  Sweden;  came  to  Boston  at  age  of  15;  housework  4  to  5  years,  $5  a  week; 

at  present,  age  26,  head  sleeve  girl  in  small  shop,  $10  to  $12. 
Case  B.— Born  and  educated  in  Newfoundland;  came  to  Boston  at  age  of  19;  spent  10  years  in  various 

kinds  of  work:  Shoe  factory,  $6  to  $7  a  week;  lady's  maid,  housework,  seamstress;  now  head  of 

shirtwaist  table  in  middle-class  shop,  $12  a  week. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          73 

"%/     °^^ 

Young  girls  frequently  begin  work  early  as  child's  nurse  until  they/ 
have  reached  a  more  mature  age,  while  the  older  woman 
spent  her  earlier  life  in  the  home,  taking  the  place  of  the  mother  who 
has  died.     After  the  family  has  grown  and  scattered  she  enters  the 
sewing  trades  in  which  she  has  acquired  some  experience  in  her  home 
duties. 

Temporary  or  immediate  economic  pressure  often  forces  young 
girls  into  the  undesirable  trades.  Some  find  a  way  out  but  others, 
once  there,  are  there  for  life.  A  young  dressmaker  of  33  whose  father 
had  died  when  she  was  6  years  old,  leaving  her  mother,  younger 
brother  and  sister  and  herself  to  work  out  the  problems  of  then*  exist- 
ence, could  not  finish  school  and  went  to  work  when  only  a  child  in  a 
factory.  She  drifted  from  factory  to  factory  and  at  the  age  of  19 
found  herself  working  in  a  gelatine  factory  for  $6  a  week.  "  I  realized 
that  I  could  stay  there  forever  and  never  make  more  than  $6.  The 
youngest  and  poorest  worker  could  earn  $6  a  week  as  well  as  the  oldest 
and  best."  A  friend  in  a  dressmaking  shop  offered  her  an  oppor- 
tunity to  learn  the  trade.  She  entered  the  shop  as  errand  girl  at  $3 
a  week.  At  the  end  of  14  years  she  was  head  sleeve  girl  in  a  large 
fashionable  shop  at  $15  a  week  and  filled  in  her  vacations  by  "going 
out  by  the  day"  at  $2.50  a  day. 

A  thoughtful  woman  of  40  had  gone  to  work  in  a  shoe  factory  at 
the  age  of  14  and  worked  there  for  16  years.  "I  used  to  wonder 
what  I  could  do  which  would  offer  better  opportunities  and  possi- 
bilities when  I  really  settled  down  for  my  real  life  work."  She 
"  always  knew  how  to  sew"  and  decided  to  go  out  sewing  by  the  day. 
Gradually  she  realized  the  need  of  more  knowledge  and  wider  experi- 
ence and  through  a  customer  secured  a  position  in  a  large  shop  in 
Boston  where  she  learned  "the  system."  After  going  out  by  the 
day  for  several  years,  she  tried  going  into  business  for  herself,  but 
could  not  meet  the  capital  problem.  "Customers  insisted  on  running 
bills  from  six  to  ten  months.  They  would  go  away  for  the  summer 
and  not  pay  their  spring  bills  until  fall.  So  I  had  to  give  that  up 
and  became  head  sleeve  girl  in  a  small  shop,  receiving  $12  a  week." 

Mercantile  establishments  had  provided  juvenile  employment  for  14 
per  cent  of  the  workers  who  had  had  a  previous  trade.  The  young 
workers  had  been  check  and  bundle  girls  and  the  older  women, 
sales  girls.  Ten  per  cent  had  worked  hi  the  closely  allied  needle 
trades,  millinery,  embroidery,  and  tailoring,  while  4  per  cent  had  done 
professional  and  clerical  work  before  entering  the  dressmaking  trade. 

The  majority  of  women  employed  in  some  previous  work  had 
been  engaged  hi  something  having  little  or  no  connection  with  their 
subsequent  skilled  trade.  They  had  gone  to  work,  blindly,  either 
from  choice  or  necessity.  Some  had  gradually  felt  the  need  of  a 
better  trade  with  wider  opportunities  and  found  their  way  out 


74 


BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


through,  their  own  initiative  while  others  had    been  pushed   into 
dressmaking  through  efforts  of  their  friends. 

While  the  majority  of  workers  in  the  dressmaking  trade — about 
four-fifths  of  the  200  visited  in  Boston — are  or  must  be  content  with 
elementary  schooling,  almost  one-fifth  of  those  visited  in  Boston,  as 
shown  in  the  following  table,  had  had  further  education. 

TABLE  18.— SCHOOLING  OF  200  WORKERS  IN  THE  DRESSMAKING  TRADE. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


School  and  grade. 

V.'orkers. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

University  graduate 

1 

s 

3 
5 
13 
2 

3 

0.5 

High  school: 
Graduate 

3  years  

2  vears 

A  while    .        ... 

Xight  school 

Total 

34 

17.0 

Grammar  school: 
Graduate  

44 

1 
1 

32 

9th  grade 

8th  grade 

7th  grade  

:::::'::: 

6th  grade 

Not  specified  

Total 

102 

51.  0 

Commercial  school 

2 

2 

8 

1.0 

Catholic  schools: 
Convent  

Parochial  

Total  

10 

5.0 

Private  schools  

3 
11 

1 

12 
5 
4 
2 
1 

1.5 
5.5 

Country  schools^and  schools  in 
other  States 

Foreign  schools: 
Belgium  

British-American    Prov- 
inces 

British  Isles  

Norway  and  Sweden  
Russia 

Portugal  

Total 

25 

12.5 

Unclassified 

12 

G.O 

Grand  total  

200- 

100.0 

The  majority  of  those  having  more  than  an  elementary  schooling 
had  gone  to  high  school,  one  was  a  university  graduate,  one  came 
from  a  fashionable  girls'  seminary,  and  two  had  attended  a  com- 
mercial college.  A  few  others  might  have  had  further  schooling, 
but  "never  cared  much  for  books."  Forty  per  cent  of  the  54 
workers  studied  in  the  shops  of  Worcester  were  high-school  girls, 
and  39  per  cent  from  the  ninth  grade.  The  girls  in  the  dress- 
making trade  of  a  city  like  Worcester  are  from  distinctly  a  higher 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          75 

social  stratum  than  those  found  in  the  manufacturing  industries. 
Many  came  from  families  where  financial  pressure  did  not  prematurely 
force  them  into  the  industrial  world,  yet  when  they  were  ready  to 
earn  their  living,  the  custom  trades,  dressmaking  and  millinery, 
seemed  the  only  or  most  desirable  openings  available. 

Whether  the  higher  educational  status  in  the  dressmaking  trade 
represents  a  definite  and  commensurate  cash  value  would  be  difficult 
to  determine  from  the  200  cases  visited,  for  many  influences  such  as 
length  of  experience,  physical  condition,  artistic  sense,  and  adminis- 
trative ability  complicate  the  problem.  It  might  be  suggested, 
however,  that  the  higher  educational  status  and  higher  wage  scale 
observed  in  custom  dressmaking  doubtless  have  some  relation.1  And 
a  very  obvious  relation  may  be  seen  between  the  educational  status 
and  the  higher  social  status  which  characterize  the  dressmaking  trade, 
raising  it  above  the  manufacturing  industries. 

Nationality  is  also  an  interesting  factor  in  determining  success  and 
advancement.  But  4  of  the  24  foreign  born  and  bred  who  were 
personally  visited  earned  less  than  $9,  and  two  of  these  were  less  than 
20  years  of  age  and  had  had  but  2  years'  experience.  More  than  one- 
half  (58)  of  the  100  firms  visited  expressed  a  distinct  preference  for 
girls  of  foreign  birth  or  descent,  especially  Irish,  Swedes,  and  Nova 
Scotians;  and  their  reasons  are  sometimes  most  suggestive.  One 
of  the  large  fashionable  dressmakers  prefers  "European  girls  trained 
in  the  trade  schools  of  Europe."  Another  says,  "Foreign  girls  are 
the  best  workers.  They  are  willing  to  adapt  themselves  to  shop 
conditions.  They  are  anxious  to  learn,  are  quick  and  bright.  A 
little  Austrian  girl  who  could  not  speak  the  English  language  started 
hi  with  me  four  years  ago  on  $1  a  week.  She  is  now  making  $8  a 
week."  "I  have  had  two  Italian  girls  this  year,"  said  another, 
"who  were  trained  in  the  shops  of  Venice.  They  are  the  best  workers 
I  ever  had."  The  superiority  of  trade  training  on  the  continent  and 
the  greater  facilities  for  obtaining  it  are.  in  the  opinion  of  English 
students  of  the  subject,  the  explanation  of  the  superiority  of  the 
European  worker,2  which  in  turn  explains  the  greater  demand  for 
her  services. 

Forty-three  per  cent  of  the  5,711  women  dressmakers  reported  in 
Boston  in  1905  were  foreign  born,  and  almost  three-fourths  (71.8 
per  cent)  were  of  foreign  parentage.3  This  predominance  of  women 
of  foreign  descent  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  sewing  is  still  more 

i  See  forthcoming  bulletin  of  tlie  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  on  Industrial  Efficiency  of 
Girls  Trained  in  Massachusetts  Trade  Schools. 

»  Boy  and  Girl  Labor,  by  N.  Adler  and  R.  H.  Tawney,  London,  1909.  London  County  Council, 
Women's  Trades.  Fifteenth  Report  of  the  Education  Committee  of  the  London  County  Council  (1908), 
by  Mrs.  Oakeshott,  p.  16. 

3  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1905,  Vol.  II,  Occupations,  p.  155.  Forty-five  per  cent  of  the  6. 568  reported 
in  1910  were  foreign  born  and  73.3  per  cent  were  of  foreign  parentage.  L'nited  States  Census,  1910. 
Occupation  Statistics,  p.  473. 


76  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOK    STATISTICS. 

prevalent  in  the  homes  of  these  people  than  among  Americans  of 
native  parentage,  and  still  occupies  an  important  place  in  the  schools 
and  convents,  so  that  the  sewing  trades  offer  the  obvious  opportunity 
for  a  livelihood.  The  men  in  the  trade,  though  relatively  few,  are 
practically  all  (90.9  per  cent)  foreign  born,  the  majority  being  Rus- 
sian Jews.  Of  the  women  of  foreign  parentage,  30.2  per  cent  were 
Irish  and  20.2  per  cent  British  American,  only  5  per  cent  being  Rus- 
sian or  Italian. 

According  to  the  United  States  census  for  1900,1  women  of  French 
parentage  formed  the  largest  proportion  of  women  in  the  trade. 
Very  few  such  women  were  found  among  the  dressmakers  of  Boston, 
and  in  the  State  as  a  whole  they  formed,  according  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts census  of  1905,  less  than  1  per  cent  of  those  in  the  trade. 
Several  years  ago  the  largest  and  most  exclusive  shop  in  Boston  tried 
the  experiment  of  importing  several  expensive  dressmakers  from 
Paris  to  take  charge  of  the  dressmaking  department,  but  after  several 
years'  experience  the  firm  was  forced  to  admit  the  scheme  a  failure. 
In  spite  of  American  dependence  on  Paris,  Parisian  creations  must 
be  modified  and  Americanized  to  meet  popular  acceptance,  and  the 
conclusion  from  long  experience  is  that  Americans  or  Americanized 
women  best  know  and  appreciate  American  needs,  demands,  and 
tastes. 

Both  the  industrial  and  living  conditions  of  the  workers  in  the 
dressmaking  trade  contribute  to  individualism  and  isolation  and 
make  organization  or  cooperative  action  difficult.  While  the  workers 
in  certain  trades,  such  as  machine-made  clothing  and  many  manu- 
facturing industries,  congregate  to  a  marked  degree  in  certain  sec- 
tions of  the  city,  those  in  the  custom  dressmaking  trade  of  Boston 
are  to  a  large  extent  suburbanites.  To  the  north,  the  south,  the 
east,  and  the  west  they  were  found  in  neighboring  suburbs  and  even 
in  surrounding  cities.  The  character  of  the  industry  partially  explains 
this  situation.  The  workers  are  presumably  in  the  trade  because 
of  some  aptitude  for  .the  work,  hence  go  to  the  city  where  lies  the 
best  opportunity  for  development.  The  worker  in  the  unskilled 
industry  may  take  one  kind  of  work  as  well  as  another  and  usually 
chooses  that  near  home  or  easily  accessible.  The  working  force 
of  certain  industries,  especially  the  unskilled,  are,  moreover,  char- 
acterized by  certain  racial  groups  which  tend  to  congregate  in  par- 
ticular neighborhoods,  but  dressmaking  is  the  meeting  place  of  a 
great  variety  of  social  and  racial  elements. 

The  majority,  over  three-fourths  of  the  200  workers  visited,  lived 
at  home;  137  of  these  formed  a  part  of  the  family  group,  while  16 
were  in  homes  of  their  own. 

1  United  States  Cenus,  1900.    Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  71. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TEADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.          77 
TABLE  19.— LIVING  CONDITIONS  OF  200  WORKERS  PERSONALLY  VISITED. 


Living  conditions. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

With  family. 
Contributing: 

17 

S.5 

\lfofwages                    

43 

21.5 

Part  of  wages 

34 

17.0 

g 

4.0 

Service                                 

'2 

1.0 

Total                       

104 

52.0 

Not  contributing 

8 

4.0 

Not  reporting  as  to  disposition  of 
wages 

25 

12.5 

Total,  living  with  family  

137 

68.5 

Boarding. 
In  subsidised  homes 

12 

6-0 

With  relatives                     

6 

3.0 

With  friends 

8 

4.0 

With  others  

20 

10.0 

Total  

46 

23.0 

Housekeeping. 
Cooperative           .  . 

5 

2.5 

Independent 

11 

5.5 

Total  

16 

8.0 

Unclassified                    

1 

.5 

Grand  total 

200 

100.0 

i  These  2  contributed  by  sewing  for  the  family. 

A  small  number,  17,  of  those  living  with  the  family  group,  had 
dependents  such  as  a  widowed  mother  or  invalid  sister.  None 
earned  less  than  $9,  though  one-half  did  not  exceed  $12.  The  16 
in  homes  of  their  own  have  been  tabulated  under  the  heading 
" housekeeping."  Two  were  mothers  with  two  children  dependent 
on  them,  one  earning  $18  and  one  but  $9.  The  young  son  of  the  latter 
earned  15.  Five  formed  part  of  a  cooperative  scheme,  where  several 
brothers  and  sisters  with  neither  mother  nor  father  maintained  a 
home  on  the  cooperative  basis,  each  contributing  to  a  common 
housekeeping  fund. 

To  what  extent  the  family  may  be  dependent  on  the  young  worker 
it  is  difficult  to  determine.  While  her  small  wage  in  many  cases 
was  a  very  helpful  supplement  to  the  family  income,  yet  the  family 
could  subsist  in  case  of  the  child's  illness  or  idleness  during  slack 
season.  Twenty-five  of  the  137  workers  living  with  their  families 
made  no  report  as  to  the  disposition  of  their  earnings.  The  extent 
to  which  the  remainder  used  their  wages  for  family  purposes  is  shown 
by  the  following  table. 


78 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF   LABOR    STATISTICS. 


TABLE  2O.— EXTENT  TO  WHICH  WORKERS  LIVING  AT  HOME  CONTRIBUTED  TO  THE 

FAMILY  INCOME. 

[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Contribution. 

Workers. 

Number. 

Percent. 

Supporting  family  

17 
43 
i  2 

34 

8 
8 
25 

12.4 
32.1 
1.5 
24.8 
5.1 
5.9 
18.2 

Contributing  all  wages     . 

Contributing  service 

Contributing  part  wage  
Paying  board  

Making  no  contribution  

Not  roportiTig 

Total  

137 

100.0 

i  These  2  contributed  by  sewing  for  the  family. 

The  majority  of  those  who  contributed  all  their  wages  to  the 
family  were  not  over  21  and  did  not  earn  more  than  $8,  though  a 
German  girl  of  23  and  an  English  girl  of  22,  each  earning  $10  a 
week,  turned  in  the  pay  envelope  untouched.  Among  those  who 
turned  in  part  of  their  wages,  the  contribution  ranged  from  one-fifth  to 
five-sixths  of  the  wage,  the  rest  being  retained  for  personal  expenses, 
such  as  clothes  and  carfare.  More  than  three-fourths  of  these  were 
over  18  years  of  age,  but  the  income  of  almost  two-thirds  of  them 
was  less  than  $9. 

A  very  small  proportion  (5.9  per  cent)  contributed  nothing  to 
the  family  income.  One  girl  of  20,  earning  $6  a  week,  said  her 
money  was  her  spending  money.  The  parents  of  the  others  were 
able  and  willing  to  give  the  girl  experience  in  managing  her  own 
finances,  from  which  she  clothed  herself  and  paid  all  expenses  except 
board.  But  one  of  this  group  was  over  20  years  of  age.  A  girl  of 
17,  earning  $.6,  gives  her  mother  $2  when  she  wants  it,  but  usually 
uses  her  earnings  for  her  own  expenses.  Another  girl  of  19,  earning 
$8.50,  gives  "  some  to  the  family,  according  to  what  it  needed."  Four 
girls,  earning  $6.50,  $7,  $12,  and  $13.50,  "pay  board  while  working." 
An  equally  small  proportion  (5.1  per  cent)  controlled  their  own  in- 
comes from  which  they  paid  board  to  the  family,  all  being  20  oNr  more 
years  old. 

Married  women,  as  M.  Aine  reported  for  Paris,  form  a  small  pro- 
portion of  the  custom  workers  in  Boston.  But  2J  per  cent  of  the 
200  visited  and  6  per  cent  of  the  545  (16  years  of  age  and  over)  studied 
from  the  pay  rolls  were  married  women.  However,  they  consti- 
tuted three  times  as  large  a  proportion  (17.6  per  cent)  of  the  500 
factory  workers  studied  from  pay  rolls.  These  statistics  corroborate 
conclusions  drawn  from  study  of  the  trade  both  at  home  and 
abroad — that,  in  general,  the  older  women  and  those  who  have  had 
to  reenter  the  industrial  field  find  more  opportunity  in  the  less 
skilled  branch  of  the  industry. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.          79 

Less  than  one-fourth  of  the  200  workers  personally  visited  could 
be  termed  "adrift"  and  almost  one- third  of  these  lived  with  rela- 
tives or  friends,  showing  the  desire  for  connection  with  some  family 
group.  One-fourth  of  this  group  lived  in  subsidized  boarding  houses 
for  women,  doubtless  because  of  the  low  cost  of  living  but  perhaps 
to  some  extent  because  of  the  social  life  offered.  Slightly  more  than 
half  earned  less  than  $9,  the  remainder  earning  more.  Combining 
the  workers  living  in  subsidized  houses  with  those  living  with  rela- 
tives and  friends,  more  than  one-half  of  this  group  may  be  said  to 
be  questionably  independent. 

The  great  majority  of  the  workers  visited  are  therefore  "  women 
living  at  home''  and  then"  homes  provided  an  interesting  sociological 
study,  ranging  from  an  attractive  suburban  residence  surrounded  by 
ample  lawn  and  beautiful  flowers  to  a  miserable  tenement  in  a  poor 
and  crowded  section.  The  visitor  could  often  form  little  conception 
from  a  glance  about  the  house  of  the  type  of  girl  she  might  expect 
to  see.  A  ring  at  the  door-bell  of  a  tumble-down  frame  house  in 
one  of  the  poorest  sections  of  the  city  might  be  answered  by  a  well- 
dressed  girl  with  the  unquestionable  "air"  of  one  who  conies  in 
contact  with  people  of  refinement.  She  was  a  fine  lady  to  her  sister 
who  worked  in  a  factory  and  to  the  rest  of  the  family,  who  had  not 
had  her  opportunities  to  see,  to  imitate,  and  to  develop  ease  of 
manner,  and  good  taste  in  dress. 

In  general,  the  beneficent  influence  of  the  better  industry  was 
apparent.  The  girl  from  the  poor  uncultured  home  most  certainly 
profits  by  her  experience  in  the  custom  shop.  Contact  with  a  class 
of  workers  superior  to  that  in  manufacturing  industries,  experience 
in  handling  beautiful  materials,  incidental  if  not  actual  connection 
with  artistic  creation,  and  training  in  a  trade  which  she  can  utilize 
in  her  everyday  life  undoubtedly  give  her  an  advantage  which  is 
apparent. 

ATTITUDE  TOWARD  UNIONS. 

Social  gradations,  industrial  conditions,  the  predominance  of 
women,  and  the  recent  development  of  the  trade  from  its  domestic 
stages  all  militate  against  organization,  so  characteristic  of  the 
other  branches  of  garment  making  but  lacking  in  the  custom 
dressmaking  trade.  Although  an  organization  called  the  Ladies' 
Tailors'  and  Dressmakers'  Union  existed  in  Boston  at  the  time  of 
the  investigation,  it  was  composed  almost  entirely  of  men  and  repre- 
sented largely  tailoring  shops  where  there  was  much  overtime  and 
nightwork.  The  women  who  were  approached  on  the  subject  of 
unionism  expressed  contempt  for  and  superiority  over  such  con- 
nection. This  attitude  of  the  women  custom  workers  is  due  to 
various  causes.  First,  custom  dressmakers  are  of  a  higher  social 
stratum  and  feel  superior  to  the  factory  workers,  among  whom 


80  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

unionism  has  made  greatest  progress.  Second,  they  know  little  of  the 
purpose  and  meaning  of  unionism,  which  to  them  in  their  ignorance 
means  strikes  and  disorder.  Third,  they  have  not  felt  the  need  of 
organization  because  they  are  not  exposed  to  the  many  petty  griev- 
ances faced  by  the  factory  worker,  since  owing  to  the  character  of 
the  work  and  size  of  the  shops,  fines,  piece  wage,  "cuts,"  and  " speed- 
ing up"  have  not  been  developed.  Fourth,  the  comparative  isola- 
tion of  the  custom  worker  in  the  small  and  medium-sized  shops 
which  have  been  characteristic  of  the  trade  does  not  tend  toward 
community  of  understanding  and  cooperation  among  the  workers  of 
the  trade  as  a  whole.  As  dressmaking  develops  toward  greater 
industrialization,  unionism  will  doubtless  make  more  progress.  The 
conditions  in  the  industry  itself  up  to  the  opening  of  the  twentieth 
century  have  militated  against  such  progress. 

The  labor  problem  of  the  dressmaking  trade,  however,  menaces 
the  existence  of  the  industry,  where  the  disappearance  of  the  ap- 
prenticeship system  has  not  been  followed  by  other  adequate  means 
of  training  and  preparing  workers  for  the  trade,  though  the  develop- 
ment of  the  trade  itself  has  increasingly  demanded  greater  skill  and 
ability.  Provision  of  an  adequate  working  force  has  become  one 
of  the  great  problems  for  solution,  for  the  welfare  both  of  the  trade 
and  of  the  individual  worker.  Difficulties  in  the  way  are  the  inca- 
pacity of  the  mass  of  workers  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  trade,  the 
seasonal  character  of  the  industry,  the  lack  of  system  and  proper 
arrangement  of  work  in  individual  shops,  and  a  maladjustment  of 
the  labor  force  due  to  the  lack  of  an  adequate  labor  and  information 
bureau  through  which  can  be  realized  the  necessary  connection 
between  demand  and  supply.  While  sewing  is  a  natural  resort  for 
women,  not  only  for  the  young  women  who  are  directed  into  it  be- 
cause it  seems  to  be  a  " genteel"  occupation  but  for  many  untrained 
women  thrown  upon  their  own  resources,  many  are  unable  to  measure 
up  to  the  requirements.  An  adequate  system  of  specialized  train- 
ing or  an  efficient  bureau  of  guidance  and  direction  might  save  both 
these  types  the  misfortune  of  failure  and  find  for  them  the  opening 
for  which  they  are  best  fitted. 

Since  dressmaking  is  such  a  skilled  trade  that  it  can  utilize  very 
few  young  girls,  many  who  must  earn  as  soon  as  the  law  allows 
must  first  enter  unskilled  industries,  which  always  offer  wide-open 
doors  to  the  immature  girl.  While  the  capable  and  more  ambitious 
may  graduate  from  these  unskilled  industries,  very  few  do  or  are  able 
to,  because  they  do  not  know  what  industries  offer  opportunities  for 
advancement,  or  how  or  where  to  secure  training  for  something 
better,  or  because  they  are  too  tired  to  take  advantage  of  such  train- 
ing after  a  long  working  day  of  nine  or  ten  hours.  Four  social 
agencies  are,  therefore  notably  needed  at  the  present  time:  (1)  Day 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.  81 

trade  schools  which  can  hold  and  train  the  child  whose  parents  can 
dispense  with  her  small  earnings  until  she  is  16  years  old;  (2)  social 
agencies  which  can  keep  ambition  and  courage  kindled  in  the  child 
who  must  go  to  work  at  14  in  unskilled  industries,  and  can  develop 
the  desire  for  additional  training  and  advancement;  (3)  bureaus  of 
information,  vocational  advice  and  guidance  to  show  what  indus- 
tries offer  good  opportunities  for  advancement,  the  requisite  quali- 
fications and  ways  of  developing  these  qualities,  and  to  make  con- 
nections between  employer  and  worker;  and  (4)  educational  agencies 
providing  part-time  schooling  in  the  daytime  for  the  young  workers 
and  more  advanced  systematic  night  schools  for  the  older  workers 
employed  during  the  day. 

29885°— Bull.  193—16 6 


CHAPTER  IV. 
IRREGULARITY  OF  EMPLOYMENT. 

THE  SEASONS. 

Irregularity  of  employment  in  dressmaking  depends  upon  two  main 
factors,  the  seasonal  nature  of  the  trade  and  the  character  of  the  indi- 
vidual worker.  In  other  words,  seasonal  fluctuations  and  the  insta- 
bility of  the  working  force  both  have  a  part  in  causing  irregular 
employment. 

The  social  life  of  a  community  largely  determines  the  dressmaker's 
season.  The  tendency  of  the  wealthy  class  to  live  in  the  city  only 
about  six  months  in  the  year  and  to  spend  an  ever-increasing  length 
of  time  in  the  country,  causes  social  festivities  to  concentrate  within 
the  months  of  November  to  January.  Upon  return  from  the  country 
in  the  fall,  the  feminine  element  deluges  the  dressmakers  with  orders  for 
new  gowns  which  must  be  completed  within  these  few  months.  Again 
in  the  spring,  the  first  warm  day,  June  weddings,  college  commence- 
ments, preparation  for  a  trip  abroad  or  for  a  sojourn  in  the  country, 
all  bring  in  a  rush  of  orders  from  March  to  June.  But  a  beautiful 
autumn  may  tempt  people  to  stay  in  the  country  later  than  usual 
or  a  cold,  rainy  spring  may  delay  the  demand  for  new  summer  clothes, 
thereby  affecting  the  welfare  of  thousands  of  workers,  for  they  are 
not  employed  until  there  is  work  for  them  to  do. 

Moreover,  changes  in  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  people  mean  new 
adjustments  for  those  who  serve  them,  and  especially  is  this  true  in 
the  custom  dressmaking  trade  where  the  relationship  is  direct  and 
no  intermediate,  agency  equalizes  the  fluctuation  of  demand  and 
supply.  The  general  use  of  automobiles  is  making  a  serious  invasion 
in  the  trade,  because  this  prevalent  outdoor  pastime  decreases  the 
need  for  fancy  indoor  gowns,  which  largely  constitute  the  work  of  the 
custom  dressmaker.  The  opera  in  Boston  during  the  last  few  years 
has,  on  the  other  hand,  greatly  increased  the  amount  and  value  of 
product.  The  earlier  exodus  to  summer  resorts  brings  an  earlier 
end  to  the  spring  "busy  season"  and  the  later  return  to  the  city  in 
the  fall  a  later  opening  of  the  shops  for  the  winter  season.  The 
increasing  exodus  to  the  South  in  midwinter,  011  the  other  hand,  has 
lengthened  the  winter  season  in. Boston.  "The  winter  season  for- 
merly was  on  the  decline  by  Thanksgiving,"  said  a  dressmaker  of 
long  experience;  "now  it  lasts  through  December  and  in  some  shops 
well  through  January.  Customers  must  have  new  clothes  suitable 
to  the  southern  climate,  and  their  orders  help  fill  in  the  slack  season." 

Business  men  and  women,  the  Parisian  arbiters  of  fashion,  have 
still  further  involved  this  complex  interdependence  of  the  worker 

83 


84  BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

and  purchaser  for  their  own  profit.  Taking  advantage  of  the  fact  that 
women  of  many  parts  of  the  world  look  to  Paris  for  the  fashions, 
they  have  formed  a  close  corporation  for  mutual  protection  against 
the  commercial  competition  of  other  cities,  and  have  agreed  to  exhibit 
the  new  styles  in  models  and  fashion  books  only  at  specific  dates. 
No  models  for  summer  gowns  are  shown  before  February  1,  or 
for  winter  gowns  before  August  1 ;  for  summer  cloaks  before  Janu- 
ary 15  or  for  winter  cloaks  before  July  15.1  Buyers  for  the  United 
States  and  western  Europe,  therefore,  gather  in  Paris  between  Janu- 
ary 15  and  February  15,  and  between  July  15  and  August  1  to  learn 
the  new  styles,  and  manufacturers,  dressmakers,  and  the  fashionable 
world  await  in  respectful  inactivity  the  decrees  of  the  great  designers. 

The  frequent  and  abrupt  changes  in  style  decreed  by  Parisian 
fashion  leaders  may  greatly  affect  the  seasons  of  individual  workers. 
The  vogue  of  " princess"  and  whole  dresses  meant  "out  of  work" 
earlier  for  the  specialized  skirt  workers,  who  made  no  claim  to  work 
on  waists  with  artistic  lines.  The  "  kimono  sleeves ' '  meant  small  need 
of  specialized  sleeve  makers,  for  the  waist  girl  made  the  sleeves  with 
the  waist.  The  dainty  chiffons  left  small  opportunity  for  the  plain 
finisher,  as  the  delicate,  perishable  materials  must  be  handled  with 
deft  and  skilled  hands.  The  increased  use  of  embroidery  trimmings 
offered  occupation  to  the  foreign  girls  and  women  who  do  beautiful 
handwork,  some  of  them  working  in  their  own  homes. 

Dependence  on  Parisian  fashion  with  its  consequent  congestion 
of  the  working  season  is  largely  due  to  the  customer.  The  ultra- 
fashionable  dressmaker  whose  customers  insist  on  the  latest  Parisian 
whims  must  wait  for  the  new  models.  "If  I  had  two  models  side 
by  side,  one  of  my  own  and  one  of  Parisian  make,  the  customer  would 
choose  mine,  if  she  was  not  aware  that  it  was  American  made,  but 
if  told,  of  course  would  wish  the  Parisian  model,"  said  one  dress- 
maker. "One  must  have  'models'"  (which  always  means  Parisian 
models),  say  all  dressmakers  who  cater  at  all  to  fashionable  people; 
so  they  must  go  to  Europe  once  or  twice  a  year,  and  the  workrooms  fre- 
quently are  idle  until  their  return.  Social  festivities  then  come  with 
a  rush,  and  the  workrooms  are  suddenly  transformed  from  barren, 
deserted  rooms  to  crowded,  busy  workshops  and  hundreds  of  orders 
are  rushed  through  at  high  speed.  The  work  is  soon  turned  out  and 
the  workers  are  rapidly  laid  off.  The  less  "exclusive"  shops  depend 
on  importers  who  bring  the  models  from  Paris  to  New  York,  while 
the  still  more  modest  dressmakers  depend  011  fashion  books  and  shop 
windows  for  the  new  styles.  The  dressmaker  who  caters  to  the 
middle  and  lower  classes  is  much  less  bound  by  Parisian  decrees, 
and  as  a  result  has  a  longer  and  more  regular  season.  The  small 

1  L'industrie  de  la  Couture  et  de  la  Confection  a  Paris,  par  Le"on  de  Seilhac,  p.  29.  A  new  and  more 
rigid  syndicate  has  been  organized  by  Paul  Poiret  during  1915-1G.  See  report  in  New  York  Times,  Jan. 
23, 1916. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


85 


dressmaker  who  is  clever  and  has  good  taste  and  inventive  genius 
makes  her  own  "  Paris  models  "  in  the  dull  season,  or  persuades  her  cus- 
tomers that  there  is  to  be  little  change  in  the  styles  of  evening  gowns, 
and  since  they  do  not  desire  the  latest  freaks  of  fashion,  she  is  not 
delayed  by  waiting  for  Parisian  mandates. 

The  working,  or  "busy,  seasons"  vary  for  different  localities,  dif- 
ferent shops,  and  different  years,1  but  on  the  whole  the  orders  for 
summer  work  tend  to  come  in  from  March  to  June  and  for  the  winter 
work  from  September  to  December.  The  two  seasons,  spring  and 
fall,  characterize  the  dressmaking  trade.  The  working  force  is  grad- 
ually taken  on  through  March  and  reaches  its  maximum  in  April  and 
May.  During  the  five  months,  April  to  August,  which  mark  the 
heights  and  depths  of  the  dressmaking  season,  the  maximum  number 
employed  during  the  year  has  been  gathered  into  the  folds  of  the 
trade  and  scattered  again  to  the  four  winds.  While  there  is  a  pre- 
cipitous drop  in  the  number  employed  in  June,  July,  and  August,  an 
equally  rapid  rise  occurs  in  September  and  October,  when  the  workers 
are  again  assembled  for  the  winter's  work,  and  the  season  reaches  its 
height  in  November.  However,  the  decline  in  January  and  February  is 
never  so  great  as  in  summer,  as  the  majority  of  shops  resort  to  various 
makeshifts  to  hold  their  best  workers  for  the  coming  spring  season. 

An  intensive  study  of  the  pay  rolls  of  14  custom  shops  in  Boston, 
chosen  so  as  to  include  varied  types,  shows  a  striking  similarity  to 
the  seasonal  fluctuation  reported  by  the  United  States  census.2 
This  is  plainly  shown  in  the  following  table: 

TABLE  21.— AVERAGE  NUMBER  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING 
I?:  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1900,«  AND  IN  14  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON  IN  1910.&  BY  MONTHS. 


Month. 

United  States. 

14  shops  in  Boston. 

Average 
number.c 

Per  cent  of 
median 
number. 

Average 
number,  c 

Per  cent  of 
median 
number. 

January  

39,593 
38,345 
48,349 
56,700 
57,596 
50,412 
34.076 
23,615 
39.  159 
52.276 
54.962 
52.057 

80 
78 
98 
115 
117 
102 
69 
48 
79 
106 
111 
105 

256 
257 
268 
319 
314 
275 
181 
11 
150 
275 
329 
296 

94 
95 
99 
117 
115 
101 
67 
4 
55 
101 
121 
109 

February 

March  

April..  . 

May 

June  

July  

August  

September  

October 

November  

December  .                                                             

Median  number  

49,381 

100 

272 

100 

a  Calculated  from  United  States  Census,  1900.  Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  54.  (Men,  women, 
and  children  combined.) 

t>  From  pay  rolls  of  14  Boston  shops,  September,  1910,  to  September,  1911. 

c  The  average  number  employed  each  month  is  secured  by  adding  the  numbers  employed  each  week 
during  the  month  in  each  oi  the  shops,  A,  B,  etc.  (see  Table  23),  and  dividing  this  total  by  the  number 
of  wee'.s  worked  that  month  for  each  individual  shop;  the  resultant  monthly  averages  in  the  14  shops 
are  added  for  the  total  average  number  employed  each  month  in  the  combined  shops.  This  method 
males  the  monthly  averages  comparable  with  those  secured  by  the  census  from  individual  employers. 

1  Miss  Irwin,  in  her  study  of  the  trade  in  Scotland,  recognized  this  fact.  "The  busy  and  slaex:  seasons 
in  the  dressmaking  trade  are  naturally  largely  dependent  on  social  and  local  causes  in  different  districts." 
Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  on  Labor,  1893.  Conditions  of  Work  in  Scotland,  by  Margaret  Irwin, 
p.  232. 

*  See  Chart  A. 


86 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


CHART  A.— FLUCTUATION  OF  THE  WORKING  FORCE,  BY  MONTHS,  IN  CUSTOM  DRESS- 
MAKING  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1900  1  AND  IN  14  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON  IN  1910. » 

[Based  on  Table  21.J 


Per- 
centage 

Jan. 

Feb. 

March 

April 

May 

June 

July 

August 

Sept. 

Oct. 

Nov. 

Dec. 

120 

100 

/ 

X"3' 

"^^^^ 

\ 

./^ 

\ 

—i 

"7 

\ 

ff~~' 

80 

/ 

/ 

\ 

^ 

/ 

/ 

60 

V 

/./ 

40 

\ 

V 

/ 

20 

\    1 

/ 
i 

0 

, 

\  / 

\  t 

United  States 14  Boston  shops. 


The  curve  for  Boston  does  not  drop  as  low  in  the  dull  winter 
months  of  January  and  February  as  that  for  the  United  States  as  a 
whole,  but  falls  lower  in  August.  Almost  exactly  the  same  variation 
appears  between  the  curves  for  custom  shops  in  London  and  for  the 
United  Kingdom  as  a  whole.3  These  differences  may  be  partially 
due  to  the  fact  that  on  the  one  hand  the  majority  of  Boston  dress- 
makers attempt  by  various  expedients  to  tide  over  the  dull  winter 
season  because  of  the  scarcity  of  good  workers  and  the  danger  of 
laying  them  off,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  established  custom  among 
the  wealthy  and  middle  classes  of  Boston  of  spending  the  summer 
out  of  town  results  in  little  or  no  demand  in  the  summer  months.4 
Moreover,  this  variation  may  be  due  not  only  to  the  difference  in 
demand  among  the  city  and  the  country  people  as  a  whole,  but  also 
to  the  fact  that  the  fluctuations  of  employment  over  a  larger  area 
neutralize  each  other  and  smooth  the  curves. 

The  two  branches  of  the  women's  clothing  trade  have  different 
working  seasons.  The  factory  dressmaking  busy  seasons  precede  those 
in  custom  dressmaking,  since  the  ready-made  gowns  must  be  com- 

i  United  States  Census,  1900.    Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  54. 

»  From  pay  rolls  of  14  Boston  shops,  September,  1910,  to  September,  1911. 

a  Clothing  and  Textile  Trades.  Summary  tables  by  L.  W.  Papworth  and  D.  N.  Zimmern,  published 
by  Women's  Industrial  Council,  London,  1912.  (Summary  tables  based  on  census  return*.) 

4  These  Boston  returns  do  not  cover  any  private  dressmakers,  because  none  could  be  found  who  kept 
pay  rolls,  but  they  are  for  that  reason  more  comparable  to  the  census  returns,  which  do  not  include  dress- 
makers working  in  their  homes  or  turning  out  an  annual  product  of  less  than  $500. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TBADE  FOR  WOMEX  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


87 


pleted,  shipped  to  their  destination,  and  placed  on  sale  in  time  to 
meet  the  demand  for  new  winter  and  summer  clothes.1 

The  following  table  shows  the  difference  between  the  two  branches 
in  this  respect: 

TABLE   22.— AVERAGE     NOfBER  OF    WORKERS   EMPLOYED    IN*    14    CUSTOM    DRESS- 
MAKING AND  2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IX  BOSTON,  BY  MONTHS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Month. 

Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing  shops. 

Average 
number. 

Per  cent 
of  median 
number. 

Average 
number. 

Percent 
of  median 
number. 

January                                              

256 
257 

268 
319 

aw 

275 
181 
11 

150 
275 
329 

296 

94 
95 
99 
117 

us 

101 
67 

'         4 
55 
101 
121 
109 

164 

189 
194 
166 
116 
121 
141 
132 
180 
189 
137 
105 

10S 

124 
128 
109 
76 
80 
S3 
87 
118 
124 
90 
69 

March 

April 

Mav 

Julv                                    

October                              

NoTerober                                                           

Median  number                       .             

27° 

100 

152 

ino 

CHART  B.-FLUCTTJATIOX  OF  THE  WORKING  FORCE,  BY  MONTHS,  IN  H  CUSTOM  DRESS- 
MAKING    AND    2    MANUFACTURING    SHOPS    IN    BOSTON. 

[Baaed  on  Table  22.] 


Per- 
centage 


Jan. 


FetK       March 


April 


May 


June 


July 


!    Sept. 


Oct. 


Nov. 


Dec. 


120 


100 


80 


60 


40 


\ 


20 


Custom  shops Factories. 


The  factory  force  is,  therefore,  being  taken  on  in  January  when 
custom  workers  are  being  laid  off  and  the  husy  season  reaches  its 


i  See  Chart  B. 


88  BULLETIN   OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

height  in  March,  one  month  ahead  of  the  custom  season.  After  a 
reduction  of  the  working  force  of  factory  dressmaking  in  April  and 
May,  it  increases  with  more  or  less  fluctuation  through  the  summer 
months,  June,  July,  and  August,  but  it  is  not  until  September  that 
the  orders  of  timid  and  uncertain  merchants  justify  a  definite  increase. 
In  October  the  height  of  the  fall  season  is  reached,  one  month  earlier 
than  in  the  custom  branch. 

The  difference  in  seasons  in  custom  and  factory  dressmaking  would 
seem  to  offer  a  good  opportunity  for  dovetailing  work  in  custom  shops 
and  factories,  but  the  opportunity  is  not  so  great  as  appears  on  the 
surface.  First,  the  seasons  overlap,  the  factory  season  beginning 
about  one  month  earlier  but  not  ending  before  the  custom  season 
begins.  Employers  are  averse  to  employing  workers  who  will 
not  remain  through  the  season,  and  the  worker,  once  located, 
frequently  remains  rather  than  change.  Second,  the  methods 
of  work  in  custom  and  factory  dressmaking  are  very  different. 
Custom  dressmaking  is  largely  fine  handwork,  and  great  care 
is  required  in  basting,  measuring,  and  fitting.  Factory  dressmaking 
is  largely  machine  work,  which  necessitates  skill  and  experience  in 
putting  the  parts  together  quickly  without  basting,  and  running 
them  through  the  machines  rapidly  and  accurately.  The  handwork 
in  the  factory  is  for  the  most  part  very  elementary,  such  as  sewing 
on  buttons,  snipping  threads,  etc.,  though  the  work  of  drapers,  who 
constitute  less  than  15  per  cent  of  the  force,  is  more  closely  akin  to 
custom  work.1  Machine  operators,  however,  dovetail  work  in  custom 
shops  and  factories  fairly  well.2 

The  range  of  seasonal  fluctuation  is  less  marked  for  the  shop  force 
in  factory  dressmaking  (128  per  cent  to  69  per  cent)  than  in  the 
custom  branch  (121  per  cent  to  4  per  cent),  since  the  manufacturer 
need  not  wait  for  the  order  of  the  individual  wearer  to  utilize  his 
large  and  expensive  plant.  Because  the  factory  works  52  weeks  in 
the  year  while  the  custom  shop  has  a  usual  year  of  40  weeks,  and 
because  the  fluctuation  of  the  force  as  a  whole  is  less  marked,  the 
impression  has  become  established  that  factory  dressmaking  "offers 
steadier  and  more  continuous  work  for  the  individual  workers.  Inten- 
sive study  of  fourteen  custom  shops  and  two  factories  which  seem  to 
be  representative  types  do  not  bear  out  this  supposition. 

Individual  shops  show  a  great  variation  in  working  season.  The 
dates  of  opening  and  closing,  the  steadiness  of  the  force  during  the 
working  season,  and  the  length  of  the  busy  season  and  of  the  work- 
ing year  vary  widely  in  different  shops.  Only  two  of  the  fourteen 
shops  in  Boston  from  which  pay-roll  records  were  taken  were  open 

1  Drapers  constituted  14  per  cent  of  215  factory  workers  employed  in  week  of  maximum  employment. 

2  L'lndustrie  de  la  Couture  et  do  la  Confection  &  Paris,  par  Le'on  de  Seilhac.    M.  Seilhac  also  points  out 
the  possibility  for  dovetailing  work  in  custom  shops  with  work  in  ready-made  clothing  factories  in  Paris. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


89 


the  first  week  in  September  and  the  last  week  in  August.  Six  of 
the  fourteen  shops  opened  the  second  week  in  September,  one  the 
third  week,  three  the  fourth  week,  one  the  first  week  in  October,  and 
one  the  second  week  in  November,  while  even  greater  variation  is 
observed  in  the  date  of  closing.  But  the  different  types  of  shops 
have  characteristic  working  seasons  which  become  apparent  from 
the  study  of  139  establishments  in  Boston  and  surrounding  cities. 

The  following  table  giving  the  weekly  working  force  throughout 
the  year  in  16  establishments  studied  in  Boston  shows  the  extent  of 
these  differences: 

TABLE  23^-NUMBER  OF   WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  14  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2 

MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON,  BY  WEEKS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls,  September,  1910,  to  September,  1911.] 


Month  and  week.1 

Number  employed  in  specified— 

Custom  shops. 

Manufactur- 
ing shops. 

A* 

B 

C 

D 

E 

F 

<; 

H 

I 

J 

K 

L« 

M 

N 

To- 
tal. 

X 

Y 

To- 
tal. 

iSemember: 
1st  week 

• 

? 

? 

4 
41 

106 
213 
110 

22 
20 
29 
35 

145 

155 
153 
160 

167 
175 
182 
195 

21  week 

9       3 
25     27 
51     46 
62    .... 

6 
12 
28 

6 
13 
20 

3 
7 
17 
16 

17 
17 
17 
19 

"l2" 
14 

18 
21 
20 
19 

2 
2 

5 
7 

10 
11 
11 
13 

10 
11 
10 

? 

3d  week 

6 
6 

3 
7 
4 

1 

4th  week 

.... 

10 

1 
7 

.... 

5th  week. 

October: 

1st  week...  . 

61 
59 
61 
50 

50 
54 
57 

56 

56 
57 
60 
61 

28 
25 
30 
31 
29 

30 
31 
32 
32 

'34' 
31 
31 

20 
21 
24 
24 
24 

25 
24 
25 
25 

22 

22 
23 
23 
22 

22 
23 
24 
24 

10 
11 
14 
14 
14 

15 
16 
17 
17 

6 
6 
8 
9 
8 

10 
9 
9 
10 

7 
7 
7 
6 

7 
7 

7 
7 

4 
5 
5 
6 
6 

7 
6 
6 
6 

260 
266 

284 
278 
159 

292 
330 
331 
328 

8 

30 
33 
37 
37 
37 

37 
35 
24 
23 

158 
151 
153 
159 
147 

145 
120 

87 
76 

188 
184 
190 
196 
184 

182 
155 
111 
99 

2d  week  . 

3d  week 

4th  week... 

5th  week. 

No-  ember: 
1st  week  .  . 

so 

11 

54 

20 
20 
20 
21 

20 
20 
19 
18 

14 

16 
16 
16 

5 
5 

5 

5 

8 
8 
8 
8 
8 

2d  week 

3d  week  .  .  . 

4th  week 

Slhweek  

December: 
1st  week 

50 
46 
38 
35 
21 

18 
18 
19 
20 

61 
65 
62 
62 

58 

62 
55 
54 
54 

30 
30 
31 

27 
26 

22 
22 
22 
24 

31 
28 
31 
29 

18 

25 
27 
26 
26 

27 
27 
29 
29 
22 

25 
24 
24 
22 

24 
24 
24 
24 
23 

23 
22 

22 
24 

27 
24 
24 
22 
19 

19 
16 
13 
12 

18 
17 
16 
16 
13 

22 
22 
22 
22 

14 
13 
12 
12 
6 

8 
12 
13 
14 

16 
15 
15 
14 

14 
13 
13 
13 
1? 

10 
10 
10 
10 
10 

6 
5 
9 
9 

5 

8 
8 
8 
8 

8 
7 
8 
9 

6 
5 
5 
4 
5 

4 
4 

4 
4 

327 
316 
309 
296 
224 

260 
251 
253 
257 
12 

233 
266 
257 
250 
9 

21 
21 
10 
8 

11 
14 
18 
15 
16 

16 

18 

g 

98 
111 
103 
97 
41 

120 
149 
161 
166 

171 
178 
169 
153 

119 

132 
113 
105 
41 

131 
163 
179 
181 
16 

187 
196 
190 
182 

2d  week  .  . 

3d  week. 

4th  week 

5th  week.. 

January: 
1st  week.. 

2d  week  . 

3d  week 

4th  week. 

5th  week  

February: 
1st  week 

30 
37 
36 
34 

52 

51 
42 
28 

25 
26 
23 
25 

8 
26 
27 
27 

25 
26 
26 
26 

24 
24 
23 
25 

12 
10 
12 
12 

21 
20 
20 
20 

4 

14 
15 
15 

11 
11 
11 
13 

9 
9 
9 
11 

.... 
2 

9 
9 
9 
9 
g 

3 
3 
3 
3 

2d  week 

3d  week  .  .  . 

4th  week 

5th  week... 

March: 
1st  week 

38 
39 
44 
49 

6 
6 

11 

29 
27 
29 
35 

31     27 

27     25 
29     28 
30     25 

25 
25 
26 
27 

12 
11 
13 
14 

19     15 
19     15 
20     14 
20     16 
16 

13 
14 
14 
13 

11 
11 
11 
11 

"2 
3 
3 

9 
9 

9 

3 
3 
3 
3 

238 
231 
280 
307 
19 

37 
35 
33 
32 

158 
157 
164 
158 

195 
192 
197 
190 

2d  week  .  .  . 

3d  week 

4th  week  

5th  week.. 

April: 
1st  week  

48 
46 
49 
51 

51 

M 

56 
57 
58 

58 

34 
31 
33 
30 
30 

30 
32 
31 
30 
31 

26 
25 
28 
26 
27 

27 
26 
26 
25 
25 

16 
15 
15 
17 
15 

22     17 
22     16 
22     16 
22     17 
19    .... 

It 

14 

14 

11 
11 
11 
11 

11  ' 

4     10 
4     10 
4     11 
5     11 

4 
4 
4 
4 

4 

317 
312 
321 
321 
?,71 

30 

28 
29 
28 
?7 

154 
147 

142 

137 
107 

184 
175 
171 
165 
134 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week 

5th  week... 

1  The  variation  in  the  number  of  weeks  in  the  month  In  different  shops  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  pay 
day  varias.    Some  shops  close  the  books  Thursdays  and  some  Fridays. 

2  A  and  L  are  commercialised  shops. 


90 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOE    STATISTICS. 


TABLE  23.— NUMBER  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  14  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2 
MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON,  BY  WEEKS-Concluded. 


Month  and  week.t 

Number  employed  in  specified— 

Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing 
shops. 

AI 

B 

C 

I) 

E 

F 

G 

H 

T    |    J 

K 

i. 

M 

N 

To- 
tal. 

X 

Y 

To- 
tal. 

May: 
1st  week  
2d  week  

52 
51 
50 

46 

59 

58 

S 

31 
29 
28 

27 

31 
29 
30 

28 

26 
28 
25 
26 

24 
23 
23 
23 

IS 

16 
15 
15 

22 
23 
23 
21 

16 
16 
18 

18 

13 
13 
13 
13 
13 

11 
11 
11 
11 

4 

5 
6 

8 

11 

9 
9 
9 

4 
4 
4 
4 

319 
315 
312 
307 
13 

26 
26 
25 
25 

100 
83 
86 
93 

126 
109 
111 
118 

3d  week  

4th  week 

5th  week 

June: 
1st  week 

38 
32 
27 
18 
17 

57 
57 
56 
52 

26 
25 
23 
23 

27 
26 
25 
23 

22 
25 
21 
22 

23 
23 
23 
22 

15 
l.~> 
15 
15 

21 
23 
23 
23 

18 
19 
18 
18 
19 

13 
13 
13 

13 

11 
9 

7 
7 

S 
7 

7 
5 

9 
9 

9 
9 

7 

4 
4 

4 
4 

292 

287 
271 
254 
43 

26 
25 
25 
25 

95 
96 
96 
91 
99 

99 
118 
143 
117 

1? 

89 
123 
132 

121 
121 
121 

116 

99 

123 
142 

162 
137 
21 

116 
111 
145 
154 

2d  week  

3d  week 

4th  week  

5th  week  

July: 
1st  week......  . 

18 
15 
12 
10 

46 
44 
41 
34 
14 

20- 
17 
10 

22  !  14 
19    .... 

16    .... 
15    .... 

18 

12 

13 
9 
6 

2 

21 
18 
19 
16 
13 

19 
18 

12 
9 

5 

7 
6 
6 

5 
5 
3 
3 
3 

6 
6 
6 

222 
178 
126 
91 
30 

14 
9 
6 
7 
1 

24 
24 
19 
20 
21 

22 
22 
22 
22 

2d  week  .  .   . 

3d  week 

4th  week.. 

5th  week. 

August: 
1st  week...  .           5 

'         '         1 

I 

3 
1 

3 

4 

6 
5 
3 
3 
1 

2d  week 

^ 

i                 '         ' 

3d  week 

4th  week. 

!  

::::i:::: 

5th  week  1.... 

Total  number  in  year. 
Maximum  number  at 
onetime  

127 

62 
38 

49 

99~ 

65 
56 

47 

** 
35 
28 

45 

45 

34 

28 

37 

39 

29 
25 

41 

^9~ 

27 

23 

44 

56" 

27 

15 

46 

35     37 

23     19 

20     15 

45     4.3 

1 

~25~ 

17 
13 

47 

llF 

11 
10 

44 

TT 

8 
4 

48 

~17~ 

11 

8 

50 

IF 

4 
39 

600 
375 

78 

37 
25 

52 

446 

178 
134 

52 

522 
215 

Median  number 

Number  of  weeks  in 
working  vear  

1  See  notes  on  p.  89. 

The  seasons  of  the  dressmaker  who  conducts  a  shop  depend  on  four 
factors — the  weather,  the  social  life  and  habits  of  her  clientele,  the 
size  of  her  working  force,  and  her  own  ingenuity  and  administrative 
capacity — so  that,  while  the  different  types  of  shops  have  each  a  char- 
acteristic working  season,  individual  shops  within  that  type  may  show 
variation  either  wray.  The  private  dressmaker  has  long  seasons,  first, 
because  her  clientele,  consisting  mostly  of  the  middle  class,  does  not 
demand  the  latest  Parisian  whims,  so  she  need  not  go  to  Europe  nor 
wait  for  the  latest  styles  to  begin  her  work;  second,  because  their 
social  life  and  demands  are  comparatively  uniform  throughout  the 
year.  More  than  one-half,  60  per  cent,  of  the  private  dressmakers 
visited  in  Boston,  Worcester,  Lowell,  and  Cambridge,  reported  work- 
ing seasons  of  11  to  12  months,  which  seems  to  be  characteristic  of 
this  type  in  other  countries  as  seen  from  reports  from  Paris,  London, 
and  Glasgow.1 

i  Investigators  report  a  similar  situation  in  other  countries.  Office  du  Travail.  La  Petite  Industrie, 
Vol.  II,  Le  Vehement  a  Paris,  pp.  412,  415,  419.  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by 
Margaret  Irwin,  p.  34.  Miss  Irwin  says:  "On  the  whole  the  workers  for  private  dressmakers  appeared  to 
have  less  slack  time  than  those  employed  by  shops,  although  two  of  the  latter  (employees)  were  very 
emphatic  in  their  statements  to  the  contrary.  One  girl  said  she  had  never  lost  a  day  in  a  shop,  and  she 
had  weeks  of  'idleset '  with  private  dressmakers.  Probably  the  shops  keep  a  regular  staff  of  workers  to 
whom  they  give  steady  employment  throughout  the  year,  while  there  appears  to  be  a  floating  body  of 
workers  who  get  employment  in  them  during  the  busy  season,  and  who  are  discharged  when  the 
pressure  is  over."  Women's  Work  ia  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  36. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


91 


TABLE  34.— LENGTH   OF  WORKING  YEAR,  BY  TYPES  OF  SHOPS. 
[Based  on  reports  of  138  employers.] 


1 

Kind  of  shop. 

Length  of  working  year. 

Commer- 
cialized. 

Specialized. 

Transition. 

Private. 

Total 
num- 
ber. 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber. 

cent. 

ber. 

cent. 

ber. 

cent. 

ber. 

cent. 

12  months                            2 

28.5 

3 

8.6 

9 

19.1 

14 

11  aiid  under  12  months  1 

14.3 

8 

16.3             8 

22.8 

20 

42.6 

37 

10  and  under  11  months  

14.3 

2S 

57.2 

15 

42.9 

14 

29.8 

58 

9  and  Tinder  10  months  3 

42.9 

12 

24.5 

7 

20.0 

3 

6.4 

25 

8  and  under  9  months  '  

1 

2.0 

2 

5.7 

1 

2.1 

4 

Total 

7 

100.0 

1  49 

100.0            35 

190.0 

247 

100.0 

138 

1 

i  One  employer  not  reporting. 


-  Two  employers  not  reporting. 


The  seasonal  fluctuation  and  irregularity  of  work  become  more 
serious  for  both  employer  and  worker  in  the  next  and  more  complex 
type  of  shop,  in  the  stage  of  transition.  The  social  life  of  the  clientele 
is  more  centered  in  certain  social  events  and  more  confined  within 
certain  limited  seasons.  Some  go  South  for  the  winter,  while  many 
leave  town  for  the  summer.  Consequently  the  work  tends  to  con- 
centrate in  two  fairly  definite  periods,  spring  and  fall,  leaving  two 
equally  definite  periods,  summer  and  winter,1  in  which  little  is  done. 

The  range  of  variation  in  the  clientele  is,  however,  still  sufficiently 
wide  to  offer  a  fairly  satisfactory  solution  of  the  seasonal  problem  to 
a  good  proportion  of  employers.  The  customers  who  go  South  in  the 
winter  provide  work  for  January  and  February.  Others  send  in  their 
work  before  the  spring  rush.  The  increasing  use  of  shirt  waists  and 
wash  dresses,  and  the  earlier  exodus  to  the  summer  resorts,  have 
opened  up  the  spring  season  in  February,  so  that  some  employers  find 
the  winter  seasonal  depression  growing  less  marked  than  formerly. 

While  the  private  dressmakers  showed  a  well-marked  grouping 
in  the  11  to  12  months'  season,  the  shops  of  the  transition  stage 
distinctly  group  in  the  10  and  less  than  11  months'  season,  42.9  per 
cent  being  found  here.  Ninety-one  and  five-tenths  per  cent  of  the 
private  dressmakers  had  a  season  of  10  or  more  months,  but  only  74.3 
per  cont  of  the  shops  of  the  transition  stage  came  in  this  group;  that 
is,  only  8.5  per  cent  of  the  private  dressmakers,  as  compared  with  25.7 
per  cent  of  the  shops  in  the  stage  of  transition,  worked  less  than  10 
months,  the  characteristic  season  for  the  trade. 

The  working  year  varies  with  the  city  in  which  these  shops  are 
located,  as  shown  by  Table  25,  since  it  is  the  social  life  of  the  people 
which  determines  the  seasons. 


*  Women's  Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  33.  Also  Cadbury,  "Women's 
Work  and  Wages,"  p.  102:  '-Dressmaking  is  a  season  trade,  but  the  fluctuations  are  much  more  felt  in 
the  fashionable  districts/' 


92 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


TABLE  25.— NUMBER  AND  TYPE  OF  SHOPS  IN  5  MASSACHUSETTS  CITIES,  BY  LENGTH 

OF  WORKING  YEAR. 

[Based  on  reports  of  138  employers.] 


Length  of  working 
year. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Lowell,  Cambridge, 

Somerville. 

Com- 
mer- 
cial- 
ized. 

Spe- 
cial- 
ized. 

Tran- 
sition. 

Pri- 
vate. 

Total. 

Spe- 
cial- 
ized. 

Tran- 
sition. 

Pri- 
vate. 

Total. 

Tran- 
sition. 

Pri- 
vate. 

2 

I 

Total. 

12  mo'ith« 

2 

2 
3 
13 
5 
2 

6 
10 

28 

2 
1 

10 
17 
47 
22 
4 

1 
3 


1 
5 
1 

2 
13 
4 

2 

I 

11  and  under  12  months.  . 
10  and  under  11  months.  . 
9  and  under  10  months.  . 
8  and  under  9  months  .  .  . 

Total          

1 
1 
3 

3 
125 
12 
1 

5 
3 

" 

2 
2 
2 

\ 

7 

341 

25 

27  1     100 

8 

4 

7 

19 

6 

'  13 

19 

1  Two  opened  shops  in  summer  resorts  in  July  and  Axigust,  thus  realizing  practically  a  12  months'  season, 
a  One  opened  a  shop  in  a  summer  resort  in  July  and  August,  thus  realizing  practically  a  12  months' 


3  One  shop  unclassified. 
<  Two  shops  unclassified. 

In  Boston  over  half  the  shops  of  the  transition  stage  have  the  10 
months7  season,  while  in  Worcester  none  have  less  than  an  11  months' 
season,  because  the  social  life  of  the  smaller  city  is  less  concentrated 
within  short  periods,  the  clientele  is  less  dependent  on  Parisian 
decrees  and  delays,  and  the  seasonal  exodus  is  less  marked  than  in  a 
large  city,  these  combined  causes  resulting  in  a  longer  and  more 
regular  working  season  for  the  dressmaker. 

Seasonal  fluctuation  and  irregularity  of  work  reach  their  height  in 
the  large  shop  of  specialized  workers.  The  dependence  on  Parisian 
fashion  and  the  migratory  habits  of  the  fashionable  patrons  cause 
the  orders  to  be  massed  within  two  or  three  months  of  the  spring  and 
of  the  fall,  thus  necessitating  a  large  force  for  a  short  time.  A  large 
force  demands  expensive  head  workers,  whose  salaries  represent 
a  large  expenditure.  Economical  management,  therefore,  means 
putting  the  orders  through  at  full  speed  and  laying  off  the  workers 
as  fast  as  they  can  be  dispensed  with. 

The  characteristic  year  of  the  large  custom  shop  is  10  months,  57 
per  cent  of  the  49  shops  visited  coming  within  this  group.  A  smaller 
proportion  than  of  the  shops  in  the  transition  stage  reported  a  working 
year  of  10  months  or  more,  and  a  slightly  larger  percentage  worked  less 
than  10  months,  most  of  the  latter  being  in  Boston. 

The  commercialized  shop,  combining  custom  and  ready-to-wear 
production  for  more  than  a  local  market,  may  equalize,  to  some 
extent,  the  marked  seasonal  fluctuations  experienced  in  some  of  the 
fashionable  custom  shops,  since  the  stock  must  be  made  up  in  advance 
of  the  custom  season,  to  be  on  sale  when  the  demand  comes.  The 
sales  department  also  provides  an  outlet  for  the  product,  which  may 
be  made  up  in  dull  season  and  disposed  of  by  midwinter  and  summer 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


93 


sales.1  Of  the  seven  commercialized  shops  visited  in  Boston,  two 
reported  a  12  months'  season,  one  11,  one  10,  and  three  9  months, 
but  the  pay-roll  records  of  two  of  these  show  that  only  a  small  pro- 
portion of  the  workers  profit  by  the  longer  season.2  The  largest  shop 
of  this  type  in  Boston,  employing  400  to  500  workers,  has  a  piece- 
work system  which  places  the  employee  under  a  double  disad- 
vantage. She  must  take  vacations  and  also  frequently  has  slack  work 
and  a  corresponding  fractional  week's  wage. 

The  solution  of  the  seasonal  problem  in  alteration  departments 
lias  been  approached  from  several  sides.  One  exclusive  furnishing 
store  tries  to  hold  the  whole  force  by  midsummer  and  midwinter 
sales  and  transfers  from  one  department  to  another.  "This  shifting 
is  a  matter  of  careful  and  scientific  management." 

Some  alteration  establishments  have  two  classes  of  employees — 
the  regular  or  week  workers  and  the  seasonal  or  pieceworkers,  the 
latter  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  seasonal  fluctuations. 

The  wholesale  dressmaking  factory  has  a  working  season  of  52 
weeks,  but  the  decline  of  demand  in  midwinter  and  spring  causes  a 
reduction  of  the  force  in  November  and  December  and  in  May,  so 
that  but  a  small  proportion  of  workers  profits  by  the  longer  shop  year. 

THE  WORKERS'  SEASON. 

While  the  working  season  of  the  shop  varies  in  the  main  from  10 
to  12  months,  the  season  of  the  individual  worker  shows  a  much 
wider  range.  The  duration  of  employment  within  a  given  year 
depends  partly  on  the  worker's  own  skill  and  ability  and  partly  on 
trade  conditions  over  which  she  has  no  control.  Taking  the  trade  as 
a  whole,  the  number  employed  each  month  varies  as  shown  in  the 
following  table: 

TABLE   26.— AVERAGE   NUMBER   OF   MEN,  WOMEN,  AND    CHILDREN    EMPLOYED   IN 
CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1900/»  BY  MONTHS. 


Month. 

Men. 

"Women. 

Children. 

Average 
number. 

Per  cent 
of  median 
number. 

Average 
number. 

Per  cent 
of  median 
number. 

Average 
number. 

Per  cent 
of  median 
number. 

January  

3.863 
4,021 
5,187 
5,688 
5,220 
3,720 
2,431 
2,416 
4,065 
5,283 
5,563 
5,071 

85 
88 
114 
125 
114 
81 
54 
53 

116 
122 
111 

35,359 
33,958 
42,  741 
50,571 
51,940 
46,288 
31,  316 
20,973 
34,  736 
46,583 
48,976 
46,579 

79 
76 
96 
114 
117 
104 
70 
47 
78 
104 
110 
104 

371 

366 
421 
441 
436 
404 
309 
226 
358 
410 
423 
407 

91 
90 
104 
109 
107 
100 
76 
56 
88 
101 
104 
100 

February  

March 

April... 

May 

June 

July  

August 

September 

October  

November  

December 

Median  number 

4,568 

100 

44,  515 

100 

406 

100 

«  United  States  Census,  1900.    Manufacture?,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  54. 

i  The  secretary  of  the  investigation  committee  of  the  Seasons  Trades'  Conference  held  in  London,  Feb. 
27, 1901,  reported  that  "in  some  branches  of  industry  (investigated  in  London,  Liverpool,  and  Leicester, 
dressmaking  being  .  .  .  preponderantly  represented)  it  is  possible  to  make  up  stock  in  slack  seasons,  but 
in  many  cases  the  employees  are  discharged."  Women's  Industrial  News,  Mar.,  1901,  p.  220.  The  bureau 
of  labor  reports  houses  in  Paris  which  make  "modeles  pour  Importation  ".as  an  accessory  industry.  Office 
du  Travail.  La  Petite  Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  467. 

*  See  Table  23,  pp.  89, 90. 


94  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

It  will  be  seen  that  for  men,  women,  and  children  alike  the  number 
employed  falls  below  or  does  not  exceed  the  median  for  six  months 
of  the  year.  In  other  words,  a  considerable  number  of  those  em- 
ployed during  the  busy  season  are  without  work,  so  far  as  dressmaking 
is  concerned,  for  at  kast  six  months  of  the  year. 

The  table  also  shows  that  while  a  six  months '  working  season  pre- 
vails for  the  three  component  parts  of  the  working  force,  men,  women, 
and  children,  as  well  as  for  the  entire  working  force,  the  dates  of 
beginning  and  ending  are  not  identical.  The  spring  season  for  the 
men  (tailors)  begins  in  February,  which  is  the  lowest  point  of  the 
midwinter  season  of  the  women  workers,  since  the  demand  for  the 
tailored  garment  precedes  that  for  the  house  dress,  so  more  than  the 
median  number  of  men  workers  is  employed  during  March,  April,  and 
May,  and  of  women  during  April,  May,  and  June. 

The  spring  season  for  the  men,  i.  e.,  the  tailoring  season,  opens  and 
closes  one  month  earlier  than  that  for  the  women,  i.  e.,  the  dress- 
making season.  August  marks  the  lowest  depths  for  all  workers. 
During  September,  men,  women,  and  children  are  taken  on  as  the 
orders  straggle  in  from  the  returning  patrons,  and  October,  Novem- 
ber, and  December  constitute  the  fall  season  for  all  three  groups.1 

Although  six  months  represents  the  working  season  for  at  least 
the  median  number  employed  in  the  trade,  the  season  of  the  indi- 
vidual worker  may  vary  considerably  011  either  side  of  this  limit.  One 
class  of  workers,  and  only  one,  can  be  comparatively  independent  of  sea- 
sonal fluctuations.  The  capable  dressmaker  who  goes  out  by  the  day 
can  have  steady  work  for  as  much  of  the  year  as  she  chooses.  The 
reports  of  the  several  workers  of  this  kind  who  were  visited  during 
this  investigation  corresponded  with  the  statements  of  both  American 
and  foreign  students  of  the  subject.  One  reported  that  she  worked 
11  months,  and  three  that  the}'  worked  from  10  to  10J  months  in  the 
year.  "Miss  D —  -  makes  no  appointments  between  the  middle 
of  July  and  September. "  Another  "could  work  all  the  year,  but  I 
need  a  rest  of  a  month  or  two."  The  demand  for  good  dressmakers 
who  will  go  out  by  the  day  is  so  well  known  that  shop  employees 
sometimes  resort  to  this  kind  of  work  as  a  means  of  filling  in  their  slaek 
seasons. 

The  shopworkers  find  their  season  materially  affected  by  the  kind 
of  shop  in  which  they  are  employed.  The  table  already  given 
(Table  23,  pp.  89  and  90)  to  show  the  variations  in  the  shop  seasons 
shows  also  the  uncertainty  of  the  workers'  tenure  of  employment. 

Since  the  number  employed  often  changes  every  week,  and  since 
neither  the  largest  nor  the  smallest  number  employed  is  typical  in 
considering  the  relation  between  the  season  of  the  shop  and  that  of  the 
worker,  the  median  force  will  be  used  as  a  basis  for  the  discussion, 


i  See  Chart  B. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


95 


the  term  being  used  to  indicate  the  weekly  working  force  when  at 
least  the  median,  number  employed  through  the  year  are  on  duty. 
The  following  table  shows  the  relation  between  the  season  of  this 
median  force  and  the  shop  season: 

TABLE   27 WORKING  YEAR  OF  EMPLOYEES   IX  14  CUSTOM   DRESSMAKING  AND   2 

MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON,  SEPTEMBER,  1910,  TO  SEPTEMBER,  1911. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


1 

- 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

Shop. 

Number 

of  weeks 
the  shop 
•was 
open. 

Maxi- 
mum, 
number 
of 
workers 
em- 
ployed. 

Median 

number 
employed 
during 
the 

year. 

Number 
of  weeks 
the 
median 
number 
worked. 

Per  cent 
of  the 
year  the 
median 
number 
worked. 

Per  cent 
of  the 
shop 
season 
the 
median 
number 
worked. 

Number 
of 
months 
the  shop 
was 
open.1 

Number 
of 
months 
the 
meoian 
number 
worked. 

Custom: 

•*9 

62 

38 

27 

51.9 

55.1 

11.3 

6.2 

B 

47 

65 

56 

24 

46.2 

51.1 

10.9 

5.5 

C... 

45 

35 

28 

23 

44.2 

51.1 

10.4 

5.3 

D 

37 

34 

28 

19 

36.5 

51.4 

8.5 

4.4 

E 

41 

29 

25 

26 

50.0 

63.4 

9.5 

6.0 

Y 

44 

27 

23 

32 

61.5 

72.7 

10.2 

7.4 

G 

4'i 

27 

15 

30 

57.7 

65.2 

10.6 

6.3 

H... 

45 

23 

20 

27 

51.9 

60.0 

10.4 

6.2 

I 

45 

19 

15 

24 

46.2 

53.3 

10.4 

5.5 

j 

47 

17 

13 

33 

63.5 

70.2 

10.9 

7.6 

K  
L 

44 

48 

11 

g 

10 
4 

22 
32 

42.3 
61.5 

50.0 

66.7 

10.2 
11.  1 

5.1 
7.4 

M... 

50 

11 

8 

34 

65.4 

68.0 

11.5 

7.8 

X 

39 

7 

4 

31 

59.6 

79.5 

9.1 

7.2 

Manufacturing: 
X  

52 

37 

25 

jjj 

51.9 

51.9 

12.0 

6.2 

Y 

52 

178 

134 

25 

48.1 

48.1 

12.0 

5.8 

1  Secured  by  dividing  number  of  weeks  by  4.33. 

It  is  apparent  that  the  season  is  considerably  shorter  for  the 
median  force  than  for  the  shop.  Twelve  of  the  14  custom  shops  and 
both  the  factories  had  a  shop  year  exceeding  40  weeks,  but  in  none 
did  the  median  force  have  a  working  year  exceeding  34  weeks,  and 
hi  8  custom  shops  and  both  factories  they  had  less  than  30  weeks. 
Generally  speaking,  the  median  number  of  weeks  the  custom  shops 
were  open  was  45,  as  compared  with  a  29  weeks7  season  for  the 
median  force.  That  is,  the  median  force  had  a  working  season  of 
about  two-thirds  the  shop  year. 

The  two  manufacturing  establishments  with  a  52  weeks'  trade 
year  employed  their  median  force  25  and  27  weeks,  respectively, 
about  one-half  the  shop  year.  None  of  the  14  custom  shops  studied 
intensively  had  a  working  season  of  less  than  8  months,  but  in 
none  were  at  least  the  median  number  employed  8  months,  and  in 
nine  of  the  shops  they  were  employed  less  than  7  months.  Eight 
shops  had  the  characteristic  10  months'  season;  two  of  these  provided 
a  7  months'  working  season,  two  a  6  months'  season,  and  four  a  5 
months'  season  for  the  median  working  force.  Of  the  three  shops 
with  an  11  months'  working  year,  two  provided  a  7  months'  season 


96 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


and  one  a  6  months'  season  for  their  median  force.  The  working 
season  for  the  median  force  in  the  large  custom  (A-D)  shops  employ- 
ing more  than  25  in  the  busiest  season  and  for  the  wholesale  manu- 
facturing shops  appears  to  be  approximately  one-half  the  working 
year  of  the  shop  in  which  they  are  employed.  The  smaller  shops 
(E-N)  employing  less  than  25  in  the  height  of  the  season  retain  their 
median  force  from  one-half  to  three-fourths  of  the  working  year. 
The  significant  fact  is  that  55  per  cent  of  the  600  workers  whose 
records  were  taken  from  pay  rolls  were  employed  in  shops  having  a 
maximum  of  more  than  25  workers. 

In  response  to  the  questions  "What  are  the  seasons?"  and  "How 
many  are  employed? "  employers  so  frequently  replied  "It  is  different 
every  year/'  that  the  pay-roll  records  for  two  or  three  years  were 
taken  in  several  shops  to  see  how  true  this  was.  The  variations  of 
five  shops  are  shown  in  Table  28. 

TABLE  28.— NUMBER  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  FIVE  CUSTOM  SHOPS  IN  DIFFERENT 

YEARS,  BY  WEEKS. 
[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Month  and  week.1 

Number  employed  in  shop  — 

B 

D 

F 

J 

N 

1903-4190.3-6 

1909- 
10 

1910- 
11 

1908-9 

1909- 
10 

1910- 
11 

1908-9 

1909- 

10 

1910- 

112 

1905-6 

1910- 
11 

1910- 
11 

September: 
1st  wecl-'  

9 

2d  week 

3 

6 
13 
20 

22 
23 
23 
22 

22 
23 

24 

24 

24 
24 
24 
24 
23 

11 
12 

12 
13 
13 
13 
12 

13 

13 
13 

13 

13 
12 
11 

4 

10 

11 

10 

10 
11 
14 
14 

14 

15 
16 
17 
17 

16 
15 
15 
14 

3d  week  

6 
25 

49 
51 
55 
55 
51 

3 

57 
58 
G3 

60 
58 
58 
63 

27 
46 

50 
54 
57 

58 
56 

56 
57 
60 
61 

61 
65 
62 
62 
58 

9 

13 

28 

33 
37 
41 

40 
41 

41 
43 
42 
42 

42 
42 
43 
43 

12 
30 

38 

42 
42 
42 
44 

44 
44 
45 
45 

44 
43 
43 
43 

4th  week 

22 

October: 
1st  week  

23 
25 
28 
29 
29 

29 
29 
29 
29 

29 
30 
29 
29 

25 

26 
28 
29 
28 

32 
31 
32 
32 

34 
34 
32 
33 

""34" 
31 
31 

31 

28 
31 
29 

18 

7 

4 
11 
11 

8 

4 
5 
5 

6 
6 

7 
6 
6 
6 

6 
5 
5 
4 

5 

4 
4 
4 
4 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week... 

5th  week 

November: 
1st  week    

7 
7 

7 
7 

7 
7 
7 

7 

10 
10 
10 
9 

8 
8 
8 
8 
5 

5 
5 
5 
5 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week 

December: 
1st  week  

2d  week 

3a  week  

4th  week  

5th  week 

January: 
1st  week.  ..:. 

53 
57 
41 

42 

40 

62 
55 
54 
54 

28 
28 
27 
25 
26 

20 
27 
30 
30 

31 
32 
33 
33 

27 
28 
31 
31 
30 

32 
31 

32 
32 

33 

"'34' 

32 

25 
27 
26 
26 

"8 
26 
27 
27 

31 
27 
29 
30 

43 
43 
43 

42 
44 

44 
44 

46 
47 

49 
47 
47 
49 

41 
42 
43 
41 

40 

40 
42 
42 
43 

43 
43 
44 

43 

23 
22 
22 

24 

24 
24 
23 
25 

25 
25 
26 

27 

9 
10 
10 
10 
9 

9 
9 

12 

14 
13 
14 
15 

14 
13 
13 
13 
12 

11 
11 
11 
13 

13 
14 
14 
13 

7 
7 
7 
7 
7 

7 

7 
7 
7 

7 

7 
7 

7 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week  

5th  week 

February: 
1st  week  

44 
"41 
31 
29 

3 
12 
41 

49 

52 
51 
42 
28 

8 

6 
38 
52 

5 
5 
5 

7 

7 
8 
8 

s 

j< 

3 
4 
3 
3 

3 
3 
3 

3 

2d  week  

3d  week 

4th  week 

March: 
1st  week  

2d  week 

3d  week 

4th  week  

5th  week  

1  The  variation  in  the  number  of  weeks  in  the  month  in  different  shops  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  pay 
day  vanes.    Somo  shops  close  the  books  Thursdays  and  some  Fridays. 

2  Now  owned  by  former  forewoman  and  conducted  on  somewhat  smaller  basis. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS. 


97 


TABLE  28.-NUMBER  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  FIVE  CUSTOM  SHOPS  IN  DIFFERENT 
YEARS,  BY  WEEKS— Concluded. 


Month  and  Aveek.1 

Number  employed  in  shop  — 

B 

D 

F                           J 

X 

1909- 
10 

1910- 
11 

1908-9 

1909- 
10 

1910- 
11 

1908-9 

1909- 
10 

1910- 
lli 

1905-6 

1910- 
11 

1903-4 

1905-6 

1910- 
11 

April: 
1st  week  

53 
52 
53 
52 
52 

52 
51 
51 
50 

54 
56 
57 
58 
58 

59 
58 
57 
58 

31 
33 
31 

28 

32 
33 
31 
32 
32 

33 
34 
33 
32 

30 
32 
31 
30 
31 

31 

29 
30 

28 

48 
49 
48 
47 

44 
44 
44 
45 
4-3 

43 
42 
42 
42 

27 
26 
26 
25 
25 

24 
23 
23 
23 

11 
15 
15 
12 
3 

13 
14 
13 
13 

14 
14 
14 
14 

7 
7 
7 
7 
7 

8 
8 
8 

8 

4 
4 
4 
4 
4 

4 

4 
4 

4 

2d  week     . 

3d  week 

4th.week  

5th.  week 

Mav: 
"1st  week  

29 
29 
30 
30 
32 

47 
44 
46 
44 
43 

13 
13 
13 
13 
13 

7 

7 
7 
7 

8 
8 
8 

7 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week  . 

5th  week 

June: 
1st  week  

51 

48 
48 
46 

57 
57 

56 

52 

31 
31 
32 

30 

30 
29 

29 

27 

27 
26 
25- 
23 

41 
13 
15 

35 
31 
9 

23 
23 
23 
22 

12 
12 
12 
12 

13 
13 
13 
13 

7 
7 
7 
6 

7 
7 
6 
5 
5 

4 
4 
4 
4 

°d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week. 

5th  week... 

Julv: 
1st  week 

44 
41 
43 
38 
20 

46 
44 
41 

34 

14 

32 
29 
26 
18 

25 
23 
22 

22 
19 
16 
15 

18 
12 

10 
8 
8 
5 
2 

12 
9 

7 
5 

6 
6 
6 

2d  week     

3d  week 

4th  week  

5th  week 

Median  number.. 

I 

50 

56 

29 

31 

28 

43 

43 

23 

12 

13 

7 

8 

4 

1  See  notes  on  p.  96. 

Shop  B  varied  but  one  week  in  the  date  of  opening  and  closed  in 
exactly  the  same  week  in  two  years.  Shop  F  opened  and  closed  in 
exactly  the  same  weeks  in  two  consecutive  years,  and  J  and  N  opened 
the  same  week  in  1905  and  1910  and  varied  but  one  week  in  closing. 
D  opened  on  different  dates  in  three  successive  years  but  varied  only 
a  week  in  closing.  While  a  customer  may  need  a  wedding  trousseau 
or  a  mourning  outfit  early  in  September  or  late  in  January,  or  the 
employer  may  decide  to  stay  abroad  or  to  rest  until  October,  or 
some  such  cause  may  lengthen  or  shorten  a  particular  working  year, 
the  seasons  for  the  shop  as  a  whole  do  not  vary  greatly  from 
year  to  year.  This  means  that  the  regular  force  of  workers  may 
count  on  a  fairly  uniform  working  season.  The  records  of  24  of  the 
35  permanent  workers  employed  in  shop  D  both  in  1909  and  1910 
did  not  show  a  decreasing  season  in  spite  of  the  popular  statement 
that  the  seasons  are  growing  shorter.  Three  workers  in  shop  J, 
whose  records  in  1910  could  be  compared  with  those  of  five  years 
before,  had  the  same  working  year,  varying  only  one  or  two  weeks 

The  seasons  for  the  median  force  of  workers,  however,  varied  more 
noticeably.  In  the  large  shops,  B  and  D,  the  median  force,  although 
forming  an  increasing  proportion  of  the  total  number  employed,  had 
shorter  seasons  in  1910  than  in  1909.  In  the  smaller  shops,  though, 
the  median  force  seemed  to  be  securing  longer  seasons. 
29885°— Bull.  193—16 7 


98 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


TABLE  39.— WORKING  SEASON  FOR  MEDIAN  FORCE  IN  5  SHOPS  IN  DIFFERENT  YEARS. 

[Ba?ed  on  pay  rolls,]  , 


i 
Shop. 

Season. 

Number  of  weeks  for  median  force  in— 

1905-6 

1908-9 

1909-10 

1910-11 

B 
D 
F 
J 

N 

Fall. 

14 
13 
8 
18 
10 
11 

13 
11 

12 
11 
21 

15 
IS 
IS 
13 

Spring  .  . 

Fall 

10 
20 
6 

18 

Spring 

iSii...:. 

Spring. 

Fall.  ... 
Spring.. 
Fall  
Spring.. 

12 
16 
11 
11 

i  " 

Turning  from  the  working  season  of  the  median  force  to  that  of 
individual  workers,  no  more  favorable  conditions  are  found.  The 
following  table  shows  the  actual  duration  in  a  given  year  of  each 
worker's  employment  in  shops: 

TABLE  30.— LENGTH  OF  EMPLOYMENT  OF  600  CUSTOM  AND  522  FACTORY  WORKERS  IN- 
SPECIFIED  SHOPS,  SEPTEMBER,  1910,  TO  SEPTEMBER,  1911. 

(Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Number  employed  in — 


Classified  number 
of  weeks  worked. 

Custom  shops. 

Manufactur- 
ing shops. 

A 

9 

B 

(' 

D 

E 

F 

G 

HI 



J 

K 

L* 

M 

N 

Total. 

X 

4 
10 
1 
1 
4 
4 
3 
4 

5 
12 
16 
12 

Y 

22 
29 
14 
12 
28 
11 
IS 
19 

36 

72 
102 
83 

Total. 

26 
39 
15 
13 
32 
15 
21 
23 

41 

84 
118 
95 

50  weeks  and  over. 

2 

2-3 
100 
53 
35 

17 
39 

55 

85 

72 
4 

45    and    under    50 
weeks 

3 

3 

2 
6 
1 
1 
2 
1 
5 

6 
7 
13 

3 
'.t 
3 
3 
1 
1 
2 

3 
3 

4 
3 
2 

3 
1 
4 

1 

9 

5 
2 
3 
1 

5 
2 
2 
1 

2 

O 

3 

2 
1 

40    and    under    45 
weeks  

5 
10 
3 
2 

19 

28 
25 
16 

25 

3 
5 
3 
12 

11 
13 

8 

11 
5 
3 
3 
2 
4 

5 
5 
5 
13 

11 

7 
3 

2 

2 
5 
5 
10 

13 
8 

3 

2 

5 
4 
1 

16 
2 
3 
3 
1 
2 

i 

35    and    under    40 
weeks 

30    and    under    35 
weeks 

3 

3 
1 

25    and    under    30 
weeks. 

20    and    under    25 
weeks  
15    and    under    20 
weeks  

1 
3 

3 
3 

9 

j 

1 

\ 

o 

1 
"o" 

1 

2 
1 
1 

2 

10    and    under    15 

weeks 

5  and  under  10  weeks 
2  and  under  5  weeks  . 
1  week  or  under  
Unclassified 

i 

12 
1 

2 

3 

2 

"9" 

Total.... 

39 

1                 , 

446 

522 

127 

99 

59 

45 

29 

56 

35 

37 

25 

11 

11 

17 

10 

600 

76 

»  Shop  H  covers  the  calendar  year  of  1911. 

2  Shop  L  covers  the  year  from  March,  1911,  to  March,  1912.  because  the  firm  had  dissolved  partnership 
and  started  on  a  new  basis  just  previous  to  this  period. 

While  90  per  cent  of  the  people  employed  in  shop  K  worked  six 
months  or  more,  only  26.7  per  cent  in  shop  A  had  such  good  fortune. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 


99 


Taking  the  group  as  a  whole,  but  41.8  per  cent  of  the  600  custom 
workers  and  only  26.8  per  cent  of  the  522  factory  workers  studied  on 
pay  rolls  for  a  year  period  worked  six  months  or  more  in  a  single  shop. 

Only  21.8  per  cent  of  the  custom  and  15.3  per  cent  of  the  factory 
workers  were  employed  for  as  much  as  40  weeks,  the  characteristic 
trade  year,  in  one  shop. 

The  figures  taken  from  the  United  States  census,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, showed  a  six-months  working  season  for  the  median  force. 
How  far  this  differs  from  the  season  of  the  individual  worker  is  shown 
by  the  following  table,  which  gives  the  percentage  of  the  working 
force  employed  25  weeks  or  more,  25  weeks  being  about  half  a  working 
year : 

TAULE  31 STABILITY  OF  FORCE  FOR  ONE  YEAR  IX  14  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND 

2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON. 

[Based  on  pay  roll?.] 


Shop. 

Total 
number 
employed 
during 
year. 

Working  25  weeks 
and  over. 

Working  under  25 
weeks. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Custom: 
A 

127 
99 
59 
45 
39 
29 
56 
35 
37 
25 
11 
11 
17 
10 

34 
45 
25 
21 
21 
24 
12 
19 
12 
11 
10 
5 
9 
3 

26.8 
45.5 
42.4 
46.7 
53.9 
82.8 
21.4 
54.3 
32.4 
44.0 
90.9 
45.5 
52.9 
30.0 

93 
54 
34 
24 
18 
5 
44 
16 
25 
14 
1 
6 
8 
7 

73.2 
54.5 
57.6 
53.3 
46.1 
17.2 
78.6 
45.7 
67.6 
56.0 
9.0 
54.5 
47.1 
70.0 

B 

c 

D 

E 

F 

G      

H 

I 

J... 

K 

L 

M  

X 

Total  
Manufacturing: 

600 

251 

41.  S 

349 

58.2 

76 
446 

24 
116 

31.6 
26.0 

52 
330 

68.4 
74.0 

Y 

Total 

522 

140            26.8 

382 

73.2 

In  only  5  of  the  14  shops  was  as  much  as  half  of  the  force  employed 
for  25  weeks,  while  the  two  factories  showed  each  less  than  one-third 
of  their  force  so  employed.  Only  a  trifle  over  two-fifths  of  the  work- 
ers in  custom  shops  were  employed  as  long  as  25  weeks,  while  hardly 
over  one-fourth  of  the  factory  workers  were  in  this  group. 

The  working  year  is  divided,  as  has  been  seen,  into  two  seasons, 
spring  and  fall.  This  has  a  double  effect  upon  the  workers.  The 
seasons  seldom  coincide  in  any  two  shops,  since  the  demands  of  the 
customers  of  each  establishment  determine  the  time  when  its  work  is 
most  pressing  and  when,  as  a  result,  the  greatest  number  is  employed. 
This  variation  in  the  time  at  which  they  are  required  in  the  different 


100 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


shops  enables  many  workers  to  shift  from  one  shop  to  another,  thus 
securing  a  longer  season  than  they  would  have  in  only  one.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  division  of  the  working  year  into  two  distinct  seasons 
means  for  many  of  the  workers  a  lay-off  twice  a  year,  with  the  attend- 
ant disadvantages  of  loss  of  wages,  interruption  to  habits  of  regularity, 
encouragement  to  instability  and  restlessness,  and  the  like.  The  fol- 
lowing table  shows  the  possibility  of  prolonging  a  short  season  by 
transferring  from  one  shop  to  another: 

TABLE  32.— DATES  OF  OPENING  AND  CLOSING  OF  FALL  AND  SPRING  SEASONS  FOR 
MEDIAN  FORCE  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  14  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2 
MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON,  SEPTEMBER,  1910,  TO  SEPTEMBER,  1911. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Shop. 

Me- 
dian 
num- 
ber. 

Fall  season.1 

Spring  season.1 

Weeks  employed. 

Began— 

Closed— 

Began  — 

Closed— 

Fall 
sea- 
son. 

Spring 
sea- 
son. 

Total. 

Custom: 
A  

38 
£6 
28 
28 
25 
23 
15 
20 
IS 
13 
10 
4 
8 
4 

25 
134 

4th  week  of 
September. 
3d  week  of 
October. 
4th  week  of 
September. 
2d  week  of 
November. 
1st  week  of 
November. 
3d  week  of 
October. 
4th  week  of 
September. 
2d  week  of 
October. 
2d  week  of 
November. 
3d  week  of 
October. 
1st  week  of 
November. 
4th  week  of 
September. 
1st  week  of 
November. 
1st  week  of 
October. 

3d  week  of 
September. 
1st  week  of 
September. 

3d  week  of 
December. 
1st  week  of 
January. 
3d  week  of 
December. 
4th  week  of 
December. 
1st  week  of 
January. 
1st  week  of 
January. 
2d  week  of 
January. 
2d  week  of 
November. 
4th  week  of 
November. 
4th  week  of 
January. 
5th  week  of 
December. 
4th  week  of 
January. 
1st  week  of 
January. 
4th  week  of 
January. 

2d  week  of 
November. 
1st  week  of 
November. 

1st  week  of 
March. 
2d  week  of 
April. 
1st  week  of 
March. 
1st  week  of 
March. 
1st  week  of 
February. 
4th  week  of 
January. 
1st  week  of 
April. 
1st  week  of 
January. 
3d  week  of 
February. 
4th  week  of 
February. 
4th  week  of 
February. 
1st  week  of 
April. 
3d  week  of 
January. 
1st  week  of 
April. 

4th  week  of 
February. 
2d  week  of 
January. 

1st  week  of 
June. 
3d  week  of 
June. 
3d  week  of 
May: 
4th  week  of 
Mav. 
2d  week  of 
June. 
3d  week  of 
June. 
4th  week  of 
June. 
1st  week  of 
July. 
2d  week  of 
July. 
4th  week  of 
June. 
1st  week  of 
June. 
2d  week  of 
July. 
5th  week  of 
June. 
4th  week  of 
June. 

4th  week  of 
June. 
4th  week  of 
April. 

13 
13 
12 
7 
8 
11 
17 
4 
3 
15 
7 
18 
10 
18 

9 
10 

14 
11 
11 
12 
18 
21 
13 
23 
21 
18 
15 
14 
24 
13 

18 
15 

27 
24 
23 
19 
26 
32 
30 
27 
24 
33 
22 
32 
34 
31 

27 
25 

B 

c 

D...       . 

E 

F  

Q 

H. 

i...!.... 

j 

K. 

L 

M  

N 

Manufacturing: 

x 

Y 

1  The  working  force  occasionally  drops  below  the  median  number  employed.    (See  Table  23.) 

The  fall  season  coincides  in  only  three  pairs  of  shops — A  and  C, 
B  and  F,  and  E  and  M — while  only  shops  G  and  N  have  the  same 
spring  season.  Occasionally  workers  in  the  shops  having  a  fall  season 
of  only  from  3  to  8  weeks  have  a  chance  of  further  employment  in 
the  shops  having  a  season  of  13,  15,  or  18  weeks.  In  the  spring  the 
difference  in  length  of  seasons  is  not  so  marked  as  in  the  fall,  but  there 
is  still  the  opportunity  for  dovetailing  work  in  two  or  more  shops. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX'I^.  MASSXDMStfS*       101 


This  table  also  emphasizes  the  brevity  of  the  working  season  for 
most  of  the  employees,  unless  they  can  find  some  such  method  of 
lengthening  it.  In  shops  A,  C,  G,  and  L  the  median  force  was 
assembled  by  the  fourth  week  of  September,  but  not  until  October 
and  November  in  the  majority,  while  already  in  November  and 
December  the  process  of  disorganization  was  beginning.  In  the  14 
custom  shops  and  2  factories,  6  retained  the  median  force  less  than 
10  weeks  in  the  fall  and  12  provided  less  than  15  weeks'  fall  season. 
All  through  January,  February,  March,  and  April,  the  median  force 
was  being  assembled  for  the  spring  season  and  through  May,  June, 
and  July  was  being  turned  off.  The  spring  season  provided  a  longer 
working  period,  none  of  the  16  establishments  having  less  than  10 
weeks,  while  9  had  a  spring  season  of  15  weeks  or  more.  One-half 
the  14  custom  shops  had  a  fall  season  of  12  weeks  or  more  and  a 
spring  season  of  15  weeks  or  more  for  the  median  force.  However, 
if  the  large  shops  A  to  G,  which  employ  three-fourths  of  the  workers, 
are  separately  considered,  the  f  all  season  in  but  one  instance,  and  the 
spring  season  in  but  two  instances,  exceeded  15  weeks  for  the  median 
force,  which  again  illustrates  how  short  is  the  working  period  avail- 
able to  the  mass  of  workers.  The  manufacturing  shops  provided 
very  similar  seasons  for  their  median  force,  9  and  10  weeks  in  the 
fall,  and  15  and  18  weeks  in  the  spring'. 

The  fall  and  spring  busy  seasons  alternate  with  the  midwinter  and 
midsummer  dull  seasons,  causing  dispersal  or  diminution  of  the  force 
twice  a  year.  The  majority  of  custom  shops  close  entirely  during 
midsummer,  but  the  midwinter  season  is  usually  a  bridging  over  until 
the  spring  rush  comes  on.  The  fashionable  clientele  await  the  new 
spring  models  before  giving  orders,  so  the  employer  in  shop  B  must 
go  abroad  in  February  and  her  shop  is  closed,  except  for  the  office 
force,  for  two  weeks.  The  owner  of  shop  D  goes  to  New  York  for  a 
week  to  see  the  new.  spring  models.  For  similar  reasons,  the  ma- 
jority of  even  the  most  valuable  workers  in  large  shops  like  A  and 
B  have  an  enforced  winter  vacation  of  four  weeks.  Table  33  shows 
the  extent  to  which  the  midwinter  vacation  prevailed  in  the  shops 
studied.  In  four  of  the  14  custom  shops  and  one  of  the  two  fac- 
tories, more  than  one-half  the  force  was  laid  off  one  week  or  more 
in  midwinter.  In  shop  A,  although  a  commercialized  shop,  66  per 
cent  of  the  workers  who  were  employed  throughout  the  year  were 
laid  off  in  midwinter  with  a  median  vacation  of  four  weeks.  In  the 
medium-sized  shops  like  E,  F,  and  G,  the  majority  of  the  force  were 
held  and  in  the  smaller  shops  like  M  and  N  the  whole  force  remained 
intact. 


102 


N'    OF    THE    BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


TVBLE   33.— RELATION   OF    MIDWINTER   SLACK   SEASON   TO    UNEMPLOYMENT  IN   14 
CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING   AND   2   MANUFACTURING   SHOPS  IN   BOSTON. 
[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Shop. 

Total 
number 
em- 
ployed 
during 
year. 

Maxi- 
mum 
number 
em- 
ployed 
during 
year. 

Workers  em- 
ploved  one 
season  or  less. 

Workers  employed  both  seasons. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent  of 
total 
number 
em- 
ployed. 

Not  laid  off  in 
winter. 

Laid  off  one 
week  or  more. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent  of 
total 
number 
em- 
ployed. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent  of 
number 
em- 
ployed 
both 
seasons. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent  of 
number 
em- 
ployed 
both 
seasons. 

Custom: 
A 

127 
99 
159 
45 
39 
29 
156 
35 
37 
25 
11 
11 
17 
10 

76 
446 

62 
65 
35 
34 
29 
27 
27 
23 
19 
17 
11 
8 
11 

37 
178 

88 
51 
31 
22 
18 
5 
42 
17 
26 
12 
1 
5 
11 

42 
283 

69.3 
51.5 
52.5 
48.9 
46.2 
17.2 
75.0 
48.6 
70.3 
48.0 
9.1 
45.5 
64.7 
70.0 

55.3 
ttf.5 

39 
48 
27 
23 
21 
24 
13 
18 
11 
13 
10 
6 
6 
3 

34 

153 

30.7 
48.5 
45.8 
51.1 
53.8 
82.8 
23.2 
51.4 
29.7 
52.0 
90.9 
54.5 
35.3 
30.0 

44.7 
36.5 

13 
1 
14 
4 
15 
20 
10 
18 
6 
9 
5 

33.3 
2.1 
51.8 
17.4 
71.4 
83.3 
76.9 
100.0 
54.5 
69.2 
50.0 

26 
47 
13 
19 
25 
4 
3 

66.7 
97.9 
48.2 
82.6 
23.8 
16.7 
23.1 

B... 

C  

D 

E... 

F       

G 

jj 

I... 

5 
4 
5 

6 

45.5 
30.8 
50.0 
100.0 

J 

K 

L 

M 

6 
3 

14 

133 

100.0 
100.0 

41.2 
81.6 

N 

Manufacturing: 

20 
30 

58.8 
18.4 

Y 

One  unclassified. 


-  Not  including  special  finisher  not  called  in. 


This  midwinter  break  is  an  important  cause  contributing  to  shifting 
and  instability.  The  majority  of  the  custom  workers  are  laid  off 
one  or  two  weeks  and  the  factory  workers  four  weeks,  during  which 
time  some  find  other  employment  and  do  not  return.  In  all  but  2 
of  the  14  custom  shops  more  than  45  per  cent  of  the  workers  appear- 
ing on  the  pay  roll  during  a  year  worked  in  that  shop  one  season  or 
less,  while  in  the  two  factories  more  than  50  per  cent  did  not  work 
more  than  one  season. 

The  extent  to  which  the  individual  worker  is  affected  by  the  dull 
season  is  shown  by  the  following  table: 

TABLE  34.— NUMBER  OF  WEEKS'  "LAY  OFF"  IN  MIDWINTER  FOR  WORKERS  IN  10 
CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON,  SEPTEMBER, 
1910,  TO  SEPTEMBER,  1911. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Shop. 

Number  of  workers  losing  — 

Median 
number 
of  weeks 
lost  by 
workers. 

1  week. 

2  weeks. 

3  weeks. 

4  weeks. 

5  weeks. 

6  weeks. 

More 
than 
6  weeks. 

Custom: 
A.. 

a 

4 
6 
14 
1 
1 
2 

1 
20 
2 
4 
2 
1 

1 

3 

j 

12 
2 

? 

6 
2 

1 
\ 

I 

4 
2 
2 

2 
2 
2 
3 
3 
6 

4 
4 

B.  . 

C... 

D... 

i 

F  



G  





1 

I  ;  







J... 

? 

! 

K  1  

5 
10 

L  1.... 

1 

6 
21 

Manufacturing: 

2 

8 

2 
1 

Y  1  

Total  



34 

45 

22 

41 

8 

5 

27 

35 

DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       103 

Of  the  182  workers  considered,  over  two-fifths  (44,5  per  cent)  lost 
four  weeks  or  more  and  over  one-eighth  (14.8  per  cent)  lost  more  than 
six  weeks.  The  midwinter  dull  season  is  therefore  a  problem  demand- 
ing solution  from  both  employer  and  worker,  and  various  schemes 
have  been  devised  by  ingenious  employers  to  avoid  the  economic  waste 
of  a  scattered  labor  force.  Two  methods  are  most  common  in  the 
medium-sized  shops — first,  offering  inducements  to  customers  to  bring 
in  work,  and,  second,  alternating  the  workers  on  one  or  two  weeks' 
vac  a  t  ions .  The  middle-class  dressmakers  have  their  own  clo  thes  made , 
alter  gowns  of  the  regular  customers,  and  make  up  garments  at 
reduced  rates.1  One  of  the  most  fashionable  French  dressmakers, 
with  a  force  of  25  workers,  made  gowns  at  a  lower  rate  in  these  two 
months  and  could  scarcely  fill  the  orders.  Another  large  firm  said, 
"We  take  in  a  good  many  gowns  at  $50  apiece  to  keep  the  force  busy 
as  much  as  possible."  The  profits  are  less,  but  the  maintenance  of  a 
steady  force  and  the  opportunity  to  meet  current  expenses  justify  the 
effort.  Wedding  or  mourning  orders  or  a  new  outfit  for  a  trip  South 
are  often  available  in  January  and  February  for  the  employer  who 
keeps  the  shop  open.  A  fashionable  dressmaker,  employing  55  work- 
ers, said:  "The  southern  season  is  doing  much  toward  filling  in  and 
tiding  over  January  and  February,  formerly  dull  months.7'  Many 
employers  who  have  ingenuity  and  originality  can  give  their  cus- 
tomers what  they  wish  without  waiting  for  the  latest  decrees  from 
Paris,  and  the  delay  and  rush  of  the  later  season  are  thus  avoided  by 
the  customer. 

Some  of  the  large  firms  have  sought  to  solve  the  seasonal  problem 
by  widening  their  field  and  adding  a  tailoring  department.  "We 
have  an  increasingly  shorter  dull  season  in  the  winter  because  of  our 
tailored  suit  department,"  said  one  large  employer.  "The  tailored 
suits  necessitate  waists  to  go  with  them  and  provide  work  for  the 
dressmaking  "department,"  The  pay  rolls  of  these  shops  show  fre- 
quent instances  where  the  mediocre  worker,  finisher,  or  helper  is 
transferred  from  one  department  to  another  as  the  season  progresses, 
thus  lengthening  her  working  season  considerably,  An  interesting 
suggestion  of  future  possibilities  appears  in  the  example  of  a  few 
dressmakers  who  follow  their  customers  to  resorts  and  set  up  shop 
for  the  season.  They  take  only  a  portion  of  their  force,  but  all  who 
have  done  so  reported  quite  as  busy  a  season  as  they  desired.2  The 
large  fashionable  commercialized  shops  are  developing  custom 
through  salesmen  who  are  sent  to  the  fashionable  summer  and  winter 

1  Speaking  of  unemployment  in  London,  Miss  Black  says;  "la  what  would  b©  slack  seasons,  i.  e., 
In  January  and  September,  regular  customers  may  have  their  own  materials  made  up,  and  this  device 
helps  to  keep  work  going,  though  little  or  no  profits  are  mad«."  Makers  of  our  Clothes,  by  Mey«r  and 
Black,  p.  86. 

*  See  .similarity  of  seasons  in  the  dressmaking  trade  of  Paris.  Franc*,  Offic*  du  Travail.  La  P«tite 
Industrie,  Vol.  II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  4l2«tseq. 


104  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

resorts,  where  they  sell  ready-to-wear  clothing  or  take  orders  from 
customers.  Such  ventures  may  in  time  become  much  more  common 
and  have  two  good  results — lengthening  and  equalizing  the  working 
season.  Alternating  the  workers  on  one  or  two  weeks'  vacations  in 
midwinter  is  also  a  common  method  of  equalizing  the  midwinter 
season  and  falls  heavily  on  none,1  as  the  girls  are  often  glad  of  an 
opportunity  to  furbish  up  their  own  wardrobes. 

Other  shops,  however,  make  no  attempt  to  solve  the  problem, 
either  from  a  belief  that  economy  consists  in  putting  the  orders 
through  at  high  speed  and  dropping  the  employees  as  rapidly  as  they 
can  be  dispensed  with,  or  because  of  lack  of  administrative  ability 
and  ingenuity.  The  proprietor  of  a  large  shop  which  had  a  gloomy 
deserted  appearance  in  midwinter  said,  "Some  people  get  work  in 
early,  but  we  never  do.  People  usually  want  to  wait  until  the  Paris 
styles  come  in  before  having  new  things  made.  Customers  come  to 
me  sometimes  before  the  arrival  of  the  Parisian  models  and  ask  if 
we  think  such  and  such  will  be  stylish.  We  usually  say,  '  Wait  and 
see.'  I  have  no  faith  in  the  present-day  theories  and  attempts  to 
establish  American  styles.  The  French  always  have,  and  I  believe 
always  will,  set  the  styles."  The  reason  why  this  dressmaker  has 
short  seasons  is  easily  discovered.  The  "wait  and  see"  policy  quite 
precludes  "getting  work  in  early."  2  The  majority  of  custom  dress- 
makers seem  to  be  able  to  cater  to  a  sufficiently  varied  clientele  to 
adjust  the  midwinter  dull  season  fairly  satisfactorily,  but  the  less 
progressive  and  original  employer  sits  with  folded  hands  and  a  closed 
shop  and  complains  that  the  seasons  grow  shorter  and  shorter. 
Likewise  the  ambitious  and  capable  worker  can  secure  fairly  satis- 
factory working  seasons,  but  the  mediocre  and  incompetent,  the  very 
young  and  the  very  old,  are  tossed  about  with  every  rise  and  fall  of 
demand. 

The  midsummer  vacation  is  a  still  more  important  factor  in  the 
custom  dressmaking  trade,  because  it  means  a  longer  period  of  idle- 
ness for  a  larger  number.  The  majority  of  shops  are  closed  through 
July  and  August,  though  many  workers  have  been  laid  off  earlier. 
The  force,  thus  scattered  for  several  months,  is  not  easily  assembled 
in  September  and  October,  and  many  new  names  are  discovered 
on  the  pay  rolls  in  the  fall.  Table  35  shows  the  extent  of  this 
dispersion  in  seven  of  the  shops  studied.  In  the  large  shops  A  and  D 

1  See  report  of  similar  adjustments.    Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  on  Labor.    Conditions  of  Work 
in  Scotland,  by  Margaret  Irwin. 

2  Miss  Black,  after  making  her  study  of  the  trade  in  London,  in  1908,  says:  "Few  employers  seem  to 
have  devised  any  effective  way  of  grappling  with  the  grave  problem  of  seasonal  irregularity  "  (p.  175), 
but  reports  one  employer  filling  in  slack  time  in  February  with  theatrical  costumes,  which  are  "made  a 
month  or  more  earlier  than  the  opening  of  the  fashionable  season  and  in  the  dead  month  of  September. 
.  .  .  the  workers  whom  she  keeps  on  during  such  periods  are  those  whose  need  is  greatest  .  .  .  some- 
times she  is  able  to  send  girls  for  a  week  or  more  to  work  in  the  country  houses  of  her  customers,  and 
she  makes  a  point  of  sending  those  whom  she  knows  to  be  dependent  on  their  own  earnings."  Makers  of 
our  Clothes,  by  Meyer  and  Black,  p.  85. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       105 


only  about  one-third  of  the  workers  and  in  shop  G  49  per  cent  of 
those  employed  in  the  spring  of  1911  were  found  in  the  same  shops 
the  following  fall. 

TABLE  35.— NUMBER  OF  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  IN  7  CUSTOM  SHOPS  IN  THE  SPRING 
1  SON  OF  1911  AND    PROPORTION  WHO  RETURNED  IN  THE   FALL  AFTER  THE 
SUMMER  VACATION. 

[Based  on  payrolls.] 


Shop. 

Total 
number 
employed 
in  the 
spring 
season, 
1911. 

Per  cent 
returning 
in  the 
fall  season, 
1911. 

Per  cent 
of  those 
returning 
who  earn 
$9  or  less. 

V 

69 

32 

68 

D 

44 

39 

47 

33 

49 

68 

H 

23 

78 

41 

K  

11 

72 

75 

L 

8 

75 

67 

M  

4 

75 

67 

Iii  these  three  large  shops,1  typifying  several  stages  of  development, 
than  50  per  cent  of  the  working  force  employed  in  the  spring  of 
1911  returned  after  the  summer  vacation. 

The  working  force  of  the  smaller  shops  H,  K,  L,  and  M,  employing  a 
maximum  of  less  than  25,  are  much  less  affected  by  the  summer 
vacation  because  of  the  closer  personal  relation  between  employer 
and  worker,  the  steadier  and  longer  working  season,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  a  fairly  permanent  force  of  regular  workers.  About 
three-fourths  of  the  force  employed  in  the  spring  returned  for  the 
fall  season  in  these  shops.  Even  the  stable  workers  are  not  all 
highly  skilled  or  well  paid.  In  all  but  two  of  the  seven  shops  the 
majority  of  former  workers  returning  in  the  fall  earned  a  weekly  wage 
of  $9  or  less. 

The  pay-roll  records  of  several  shops  for  a  period  of  two  or  more 
years  throw  some  light  on  this  instability  of  the  labor  force.  In 
shop  B,  50  per  cent  of  a  total  force  of  96  employed  in  1910-11  re- 
turned for  work  the  following  year.  In  shop  D,  40  per  cent  of  the  55 
workers  on  the  pay  roll  during  1908-9  returned  to  work  the  following 
year,  and  49  per  cent  of  a  total  of  65  employed  in  1909-10  returned 
to  work  the  next  year.  Only  26.2  per  cent  of  the  workers  employed 
in  1908-9  were  still  on  the  pay  roll  two  years  later.  In  shop  F,  38 
per  cent  of  a  force  of  58  employed  in  1908  returned  the  following 
year,  but  the  total  force  of  1909  returned  in  1910  without  the  defec- 
tion of  a  single  worker.  Only  41  per  cent  of  the  total  number,  76, 
employed  in  1910-11  in  the  small  wholesale  manufacturing  shop  X 
were  still  at  work  the  following  fall,  though  the  shop  working  year 
is  52  weeks.  In  shop  J,  three  workers  of  the  force  employed  in  1905 

1  "Large  shop"  used  in  this  report  applies  to  shops  employing  a  maximum  of  more  than  25  workers . 


106 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUKEAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


were  still  at  work  in  the  same  shop  in  1910  and  in  shop  N  one  of  the 
force  of  1903  was  still  in  the  shop  in  1910,  seven  years  later. 

INSTABILITY  OF  THE  LABOR  FORCE. 

As  different  types  of  shops  have  characteristic  working  seasons, 
so  may  the  three  type  groups  of  workers  anticipate  fairly  definite 
periods  of  employment.  As  has  already  heen  pointed  out/  the  work- 
ing force  falls  into  three  groups:  the  nucleus  of  regular  workers,  with 
a  working  season  of  40  weeks  or  more;  the  finishers  or  helpers,  laid 
off  twice  a  year,  with  a  working  season  of  25  to  39  weeks;  and  the 
rush  hands  or  drifters,  employed  less  than  25  weeks.  A  survey  of  600 
custom  and  522  factory  workers  shows  the  surprising  fact  that  58  per 
cent  of  the  custom  and  73  per  cent  of  the  factory  employees  worked  in 
a  single  shop  less  than  25  weeks.  These  short-time  workers  are  for 
the  most  part  the  "casual  laborers"  of  the  trade.  They  are  workers 
without  a  trade,  though  they  may  know  how  to  handle  a  needle. 
Especially  is  this  true  of  the  large  group,  39  per  cent  of  the  600  custom 
workers  and  57  per  cent  of  the  522  factory  workers,  who  were  em- 
ployed in  one  shop  less  than  10  weeks.  One-fourth  of  the  custom 
and  two-fifths  of  the  factory  workers  sta}red  less  than  five  weeks  and 
12  per  cent  of  the  custom  workers  as  compared  with  18  per  cent  of  the 
factory  employees  remained  but  one  week  or  less. 

TABLE  36.— EXTENT  OF  "'CASUAL  LABOR"  IX  CUSTOM  AND  FACTORY  DRESSMAKING. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Length  of  employ- 
ment in  individ- 
ual shops. 

Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing  shops. 

Number. 

Percent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Under  25  weeks  
Under  10  weeks... 
Under  5  weeks  
1  week  or  under  .  .  . 

349 
236 
151 
74 

58.2 
39.3 
25.  2 
12.3 

382 
297 
213 

95 

73.2 

56.9 
41.0 

18.2 

This  mass  of  floating  unskilled  workers  is  one  of  the  gravest  phases 
of  the  labor  problem  to-day,  and  while  probably  greater  in  the 
unskilled  industries/  it  is  more  serious  in  a  skilled  trade  which  must 
have  trained  and  responsible  workers. 

i  See  p.  66. 

*  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  No.  17.    A  Trade  School  for  Girls— A  Preliti>.inary 
Investigation  in  a  Typical  Manufacturing  City,  Worcester,  Mass.    Washington,  191;?,  pp.  29,  30. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       107 


The  following  table  shows  the  reasons  assigned  by  271  workers 
for  leaving  their  positions : 

TABLE  37.— REASONS  GIVEN  FOR  LEAVING  POSITIONS  IN  DRESSMAKING  SHOPS. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Reason  for  leaving  position. 

Positions  left. 

Number. 

Percent. 

Seasonal'  End  of  season 

63 

23.2 

42.8 

Industrial 

116 

Low  pay  -         ...             

42 
34 
25 

11 
3 

1 

92~ 

Better  position 

Firm  went  out  of  business   

Unsatisfactory  shop  conditions  
"Didn't  succeed" 

Strike1  

Personal 

34.0 

"Didn't  like  it" 

51 
23 
10 
5 
3 

Illness  

Moved 

Married 

Needed  at  home              

Total  

271 

100.0 

i  Tailor  shop. 

It  will  be  seen  that  fluctuation  of  demand,  though  important,  is 
by  no  means  the  sole  cause  of  unemployment.  Less  than  one-fourth 
of  the  positions  reported  on  had  to  be  given  up  because  of  the  end  of 
the  season.  Forty-three  per  cent  of  the  workers  left  because  of 
other  industrial  causes  and  34  for  personal  reasons. 

Therefore,  while  dressmaking  is  a  markedly  seasonal  trade,  the 
seasons  by  no  means  explain  the  startling  instability  observed  among 
the  workers.  Three-fourths  of  the  reasons  ascribed  for  leaving  work 
were  such  as  might  be  found  in  any  industry.1 

Four  underlying  causes,  however,  may  be  noted  as  especially 
applicable  to  the  instability  discovered  in  the  dressmaking  trade: 
(1)  The  seasonal  fluctuations,  (2)  inadequate  opportunity  for  acquir- 
ing skill  and  for  advancement,  (3)  the  increasing  necessity  for  a  high 
standard  of  workmanship  and  the  inability  of  many  workers  to 
measure  up  to  the  demands,  and  (4)  peculiar  conditions  in  particular 
shops. 

(1)  The  semiannual  dispersal  of  the  shop  force  throws  a  great 
mass  of  employees  out  of  work  twice  a  year,  and,  having  found  other 
positions,  they  frequently  do  not  return  to  their  former  employer 
when  needed. 

(2)  The  poor  opportunities  for  learning  the  trade  are  an  important 
cause  of  the  instability  of  workers.     Few  shops  offer  the  young  girl 

i  Miss  Van  Kleeck  found  that  nearly  60  per  cent  of  the  353  positions  in  bookbinding  and  the  same 
proportion  for  214  positions  in  the  making  of  artificial  flowers  had  been  left  for  other  than  seasonal  causes. 
Women  in  the  Bookbinding  Trade,  p.  112,  and  Artificial  Flower  Makers,  p.  49,  by  Mary  Van  Kleeck. 


108  BULLETIN   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

systematic  training  and  she  must  "pick  up"  her  trade  as  best  slie 
can.  Unless  very  "  bright/'  as  the  dressmaker  expresses  it,  her 
employer,  or  the  head  girl  under  whom  she  works,  refuses  to  allow 
her  to  remain  at  all,  and  unless  very  ambitious  she  seldom  conquers 
the  obstacles  in  the  path  to  the  skilled  processes.  If  she  does  not 
develop  beyond  the  stage  of  the  plain  sewer,  her  tenure  is  always 
insecure,  because  the  least  valuable  worker  is  last  taken  on  and  first 
turned  off.  The  art  of  dressmaking  can  not  be  quickly  acquired 
and  the  majority  of  young  workers,  being  impatient,  believe  they  are 
not  advanced  by  their  employer  as  rapidly  as  they  should  be.  The 
very  common  practice  is  to  spend  a  short  time  in  one  shop  acquiring 
the  fundamentals  and  then  to  apply  for  a  position  at  another  shop 
as  an  experienced  worker.  While  an  employer  may  sometimes  lose 
sight  of  the  advancement  of  an  employee  who  has  grown  up  in  the 
shop,  and  while  a  new  employee  has  a  certain  opportunity  for  bar- 
gaining, the  girl  with  such  inadequate  training  and  experience  soon 
finds  herself  at  a  disadvantage  in  competition  with  the  really  experi- 
enced workers  and  becomes  a  drifter.  She  never  becomes  valuable 
enough  to  her  employer  to  merit  her  interest  or  confidence,  the 
drifting  habit  grows,  and  her  incapacity  dooms  her  to  short  seasons 
and  irregular  work.  Thus  29  per  cent  of  the  271  positions  were  left 
because  of  low  pay,  because  the  worker  wanted  a  better  position,  or 
because  she  "didn't  succeed."  The  employer,  as  a  rule,  sees  little 
advantage  and  has  little  desire  to  cooperate  in  the  movement  for 
training  workers  in  the  shop  because  of  the  unreliable  and  uncertain 
tenure  by  which  she  holds  her  workers.  "I  started  an  errand  girl 
two  years  ago  at  $3  a  week,"  said  one  employer.  "She  is  now  get- 
ting $6  and  was  to  get  $7  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  but  she  wants 
to  leave  now.  Girls  don't  stick  to  it  steadily.  They  are  always 
wanting  to  go  somewhere  else,  continually  changing.  Girls  can't 
be  depended  on.  I  had  one  woman  eight  years;  suddenly  in  the 
midst  of  the  season  she  left  with  no  reason." 

The  uncertainty  of  their  tenure  of  work  is,  on  the  other  hand,  one 
of  the  grievances  of  subordinate  workers  and  for  this  reason  they  feel 
no  compunction  in  leaving  whenever  a  better  opportunity  appears. 
"  Saturday  night  when  I  received  my  pay  I  was  told  I  need  not  come 
back  on  Monday,"  said  one  girl.  "It  is  almost  impossible  to  keep  the 
books  straight,"  said  the  bookkeeper  of  a  large  fashionable  shop  in 
dull  season.  "On  Saturday  evening  I  am  notified  to  drop  six  or 
seven  workers  off  the  pay  roll."  Subordinate  workers  say  they 
never  know  from  one  week  to  the  next  when  they  will  be  notified 
that  their  services  are  no  longer  needed.  The  advantage  of  mobility 
to  the  worker,  therefore,  depends  largely  on  individual  circumstances. 
In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  young  girl  who  starts  in  the  small 
shop  should,  after  acquiring  a  good  all-round  experience,  go  to  the 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TEADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       109 

large  shop  for  the  wider  experience  in  methods  of  handling  finer  and 
more  expensive  materials,  and  the  opportunity  for  advancement 
offered  there.  The  young  girl  who  starts  in  the  large  shop  has  the 
opportunity  for  a  broad  experience  if  she  can  conquer  the  obstacles 
and  advance  from  one  process  to  another.  Unless  she  is  especially 
bright  or  adapted  to  the  work  she  will  receive  little  help  from  her 
superiors.  Most  of  the  highly  paid  or  skilled  workers  visited,  how- 
ever, had  worked  in  very  few  shops,  occasionally  only  one.  They 
had  worked  up  from  the  bottom  and  made  themselves  indispensable 
to  their  employers. 

(3)  Moreover,  the  increasing  demands  of  the  trade  for  superior 
workmanship  have  made  it  very  difficult  for  the  unskilled  worker  to 
hold  a  place.     The  increasing  complexity  of  the  artistic  side  of  custom 
dressmaking  is  a  universally  recognized  fact.     Dressmakers  and  inves- 
tigators, both  at  home  and  abroad,  maintain  that  the  trade  has 
become  an  art,  so  a  decreasing  number  are  qualified  to  meet  the 
requirements.     But  women  when  in  need  still,  as  hi  the  past,  turn 
to  the  trade  as  their  natural  domain.     They  are  taken  on  and  tried 
out,  but  only  a  small  proportion  can  qualify  for  even  the  drifting  type 
of  helper.     The  worker  who  can  turn  her  hand  to  anything  can  in 
reality  turn  her  hand  to  only  the  most  commonplace  plain  sewing. 
Alteration   departments   of  stores   carrying  ready-made  wear  now 
attract  large  numbers  of  these  mediocre  workers.     Factories  and 
dressmaking  shops  which  employ  home  workers  supply  some  of  these 
women  with  work,  the  embroidery  on  custom-made  dresses  being 
often  done  by  workers  in  the  homes.     Philanthropic  needlewomen's 
societies  provide  the  most  hopeless  with  work.     Some  of  the  local 
dressmakers  believe  that  the  artistic  development  of  the  trade  com- 
bined with  the  lack  of  opportunity  for  workers  to  secure  the  requisite 
training  primarily  explains  the  unsatisfactory  labor  situation. 

(4)  Finally,  the  instability  of  the  worker  may  be  due  to  conditions 
in  particular  shops.     Thirty- two  per  cent  of  the  271  positions  were 
left  for  these  reasons — "firm  went  out  of  business,"  unsatisfactory 
shop  conditions,  and  ' '  didn't  like  it."     Some  shops  have  short  seasons, 
much  overtime,  and  an  absence  of  system  which  involves  the  shop  in 

a  continual  flux.     "X 's  is  hopelessly  confused  and  mixed  up. 

There  is  constant  doing  over  and  overlapping  of  work.     There  is  a 
great  deal  of  overtime  there."     "I  wouldn't  advise  my  worst  enemy 

to  work  at  X 's/'  said  a  head  girl  in  the  same  shop,  "and  yet 

Miss  X is  delightful  personally."     Insufficient  capital  results 

in  irregularity  and  uncertainty  of  pay.     Many  employers  are  going 
out  of  business.     The  forewoman  in  one  shop  has  a  "terrible  temper." 
Workers  are  laid  off  in  one  shop,  fill  in  a  few  weeks  at  another,  have 
some  personal  grievance  in  another,  hear  they  can  get  higher  pay  in 
another,  and  so  drift  from  shop  to  shop.     The  large  establishments 


110 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BTFtEATj    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


carry  a  certain  prestige,  offer  wider  social  contact,  assure  regular  pay, 
and  in  some  cases,  as  in  some  commercialized  shops  and  alteration 
departments,  have  longer  seasons.  These  conditions  all  complicate 
the  labor  problem. 

The  stability  of  individual  workers  for  a  long  period  of  time  is 
not  easily  ascertained,  for  while  reports  from  some  are  unquestionably 
accurate,  others  have  drifted  about  so  much  they  can  not  remember. 
A  suggestive  report  on  the  number  of  shops  worked  in  (excluding 
temporary  positions  of  a  few  days)  was  secured  from  200  workers 
personally  visited.  The  following  table  shows  the  results  obtained: 

TABLE  38.— NUMBER  OF  SHOPS  IX  WHICH  200  WORKERS  HAVE  BEEN  EMPLOYED,  BY 

LENGTH  OF  EXPERIENCE. 

[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Number  of  years  in  the  trade. 

Number  of  workers  having  been  employed  in  specified  number  of 
shops.  " 

1  shop. 

2  shops. 

:5  .-.hnjis. 

4  shops. 

5  shops. 

t>  shops 
or  more. 

Unclas- 
sified. 

Total. 

Under  1  vear         

8 
6 

6 

2 

3 

11 
9 
3 
3 
4 
1 

'> 

9 

8 

1 

2 
1 

1 

..... 

1 

] 

17 
31 
24 
23 
11 
11 

I 

5 

7 

8 

11 

6 
3 

1  year  and  under  2  years  .  .   „  

1 

2  and  under  3  years 

3  and  under  4  years  

3 


4  and  under  5  vears 

5  and  under  6  years  

3 
3 
1 

o 

6  and  under  7  years 

i 

7  and  under  8  years         

1 

" 

••f::::::::: 

8  and  under  9  years 

o 

9  and  under  10  years          

1 

2 

4 

9 

3 

«> 

1 

3 

i  !  ;         i 
••> 

12  and  under  15  years        .  .  . 

2 

3 
4 

0 

15  and  under  20  years 

3 
1 

4 
1 

G 

4 

r> 

o 

20  and  under  25  years        ... 

25  years  and  over           ^ 

Unclassified  

1 

1 

1 

Total            .....  

30 

53 

51 

23 

16 

22 

5 

200 

The  instability  of  the  young  workers  employed  in  the  trade  less 
than  five  years  is  at  onee  apparent.  More  than  one-half  those  em- 
ployed less  than  one  year  had  worked  in  more  than  one  shop.  More 
than  one-half  those  at  work  two  years  had  worked  in  more  than  two 
shops.  The  older  workers  of  eight  years'  experience  or  more  con- 
stituted one-third  (33.5  per  cent)  of  the  200  studied,  and  less  than 
one-third  (31.4  per  cent)  of  these  had  worked  in  more  than  four 
shops.  One-half  of  those  with  less  than  five  years'  experience,  as  well 
as  of  those  with  ten  years'  or  more,  had  worked  in  two  to  three  shops. 
The  young  workers  find  it  difficult  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  trade, 
and  the  employers,  driven  by  competition  and  worry,  have  little 
patience  with  the  girl  who  "must  be  shown  how"  or  who  "waits  to 
be  told  what  to  do  and  how  to  do  it."  Consequently  she  is  almost 
forced  to  become  a  drifter.  Present  day  conditions  in  the  trade  also 
may  make  it  advisable  to  work  in  different  shops,  some  of  which 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       Ill 

offer  better  opportunity  for  acquiring  the  principles  of  the  trade, 
and  others  for  securing  advancement. 

It  was  stated  in  the  beginning  of  this  chapter  that  irregular  em- 
ployment in  the  dressmaking  trade  is  due  both  to  seasonal  fluctuations 
and  to  the  instability  of  the  force.  The  foregoing  discussion  has 
shown  that  seasonal  fluctuation  has  a  very  serious  effect  upon  the 
individual  worker,  making  her  period  of  employment  both  brief  and 
of  uncertain  duration.  The  control  of  this  element  of  irregularity  lies 
mainly  in  the  hands  of  the  employer  and  the  customer.  Several 
methods  have  been  mentioned  by  which  the  employer  can  modify  the 
seasonal  character  of  the  trade,  while  careful  forethought  and  con- 
sideration on  the  part  of  the  customer  would  do  much  to  prevent  the 
massing  of  orders  into  two  brief  seasons.  Something  might  be  done 
also  by  an  outside  agency.  Since  the  seasons  of  different  types  of 
shops  do  not  coincide,  much  waste  of  time  and  loss  of  earnings  might 
be  prevented  by  an  efficient  labor  bureau  through  which  workers  laid 
off  from  one  shop  could  be  directed  at  once  to  the  shops  of  another 
type  where  they  were  needed. 

But  when  investigation  shows  that  more  than  one-third  of  the 
custom  and  one-half  the  factory  workers  are  employed  in  a  particular 
shop  less  than  ten  weeks  and  one-fourth  the  custom  and  two-fifths  the 
factory  workers  less  than  five  weeks,  it  is  obvious  that  the  seasonal 
demand  is  by  no  means  the  only  reason  for  irregular  employment. 
Two  causes  for  this  instability  given  by  workers  and  employers — lack 
of  opportunity  to  learn  the  trade  and  the  inability  of  the  workers 
to  measure  up  to  the  demand — offer  suggestions  to  the  educator  and 
social  worker  for  a  constructive  program.  The  trade  no  longer 
provides  opportunity  for  training  its  workers,  yet  it  increasingly 
demands  greater  skill  and  ability.  Both  employer  and  worker  are 
struggling  with  the  problem,  but  they  will  doubtless  have  to  be 
aided  by  an.  outside  agency  which,  can  provide  publicly  supported 
industrial  training. 


CHAPTER  V. 
OVERTIME  IN  THE  DRESSMAKING  TRADE. 

The  fashion  trades  in  addition  to  the  semiannual  rush  of  work 
have  the  consequent  problem  of  overtime.  The  accumulation  of 
orders  which  must  be  rushed  through  frequently  necessitates  working 
after  the  regular  closing  hour.  "The  tendency  to  put  off  giving 
orders  to  the  last  moment  is  easily  checked,"  reported  the  British 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  "when  the  customers 
can  be  met  with  universal  legal  prohibition."  l  Has  experience  in 
Massachusetts  corroborated  this  comforting  statement? 

The  ordinary  working  day  in  the  dressmaking  shops  in  Boston  is  a 
nine-hour  day.  The  majority  of  shops  open  at  8  a.  m.  and  close  at 
5.30  p.  m.,  though  some  of  the  larger  shops  work  from  8  a.  m.  to 
6  p.  m.  with  one  hour's  rest  at  noon.  The  law  in  Massachusetts  in 
1909,  when  this  investigation  was  started,  permitted  a  ten-hour 
working  day,  limited  by  the  58-hour  week  for  children  between  14  and 
18  years  and  for  women.  In  January,  1910,  the  legal  working  week 
was  changed  to  56  hours,  with  the  exception  that  where  "the  em- 
ployment is  by  seasons"  it  may  exceed  56  but  not  58  hours,  the  total 
number  per  week  not  to  exceed  an  average  of  56  per  week  for  the 
whole  year. 

What  is  a  trade  in  which  the  employment  is  by  seasons  ?  Lawsuits 
arose  all  over  the  State,  but  no  definition  of  a  trade  where  "the 
employment  is  by  seasons"  was  given.  The  legislature  was  occupied 
with  the  definition  of  its  own  law  for  two  years,  and  before  the 
definition  had  been  secured  the  new  law  providing  for  an  unqualified 
54-hour  week  went  into  effect.  That  law  wTould  have  greatly  sim- 
plified the  work  of  the  inspectors  and  have  enabled  the  workers  to  dis- 
tinguish between  illegal  overtime  and  permissible  overtime,  but  it  was 
allowed  to  remain  on  the  statute  books  for  only  one  year.  The  next 
3^ear,  1913,  the  seasonal  exception  was  slipped  back  into  the  new  law, 
which  provided  for  a  54-hour  week  but  allowed  a  58-hour  week 
in  manufacturing  industries  where  "the  employment  is  by  seasons." 
The  question  is,  Is  dressmaking  a  trade  where  the  employment  is 
by  seasons?  Officials  in  the  department  of  the  district  police,  as 
well  as  different  inspectors,  denied  that  dressmaking  should  come 

i  Report  of  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  1903,  p.  321. 
29885°— Bull.  193—16 8  113 


114  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

under  this  protecting  clause.  What  were  the  dressmakers  themselves 
doing  about  it  at  the  time  of  the  investigation?  Twenty-six  per 
cent  of  182  dressmakers  posted  their  time  schedules  providing 
for  a  58-hour  week.  The  largest  proportion  (39  per  cent)  provided 
for  a  56-hour  week,  and  31  per  cent  posted  a  54-hour  week  schedule. 
The  firms  did  not  necessarily  work  every  day  the  full  number  of 
hours  posted,  but  could  at  any  time  work  the  full  number  posted 
on  the  schedule,  for  such  overtime  would  seein  to  be  perfectly  legal. 

The  word  " overtime"  as  used  by  the  employees  therefore  might 
mean  either  time  worked  beyond  the  ordinary  nine-hour  day  or  time 
worked  beyond  the  legal  limit  of  58  hours  a  week.  Man}'  girls  did  not 
know  the  difference.1  They  knew  that  "a  woman  goes  around"  and 
occasionally  their  employer  was  discovered  working  and  fined,  but 
they  were  unable  to  keep  pace  with  legislation  regarding  hours  of 
labor.  Miss  Collet  reported  that  the  workers  of  the  trade  in  London, 
when  informed  that  "  the  overtime  complained  of  is  permissible  by  the 
act  if  'due  notice  is  given/  .  .  .  have  in  each  case  seemed  to 
accept  overtime  as  a  necessary  evil,  and  have  never  suggested  that 
the  act  needed  alteration.  This  submission  to  the  law  is  most 
strikingly  illustrated  by  a  girl  who,  speaking  very  warmly  in  favor 
of  her  employers,  said  that  it  was  quite  true  that  they -worked  them 
overtime  in  the  season,  but  they  were  compelled  to  do  so  by  the 
factory  act."  2 

Overtime  may  be  the  result  of  a  variety  of  factors,  but  the  exigencies 
of  the  patrons  are  the  primary  causes  of  illegal  overtime  in  a  custom 
trade.  The  large  dressmaker  has  a  stock  of  expensive  materials, 
and  it  is  to  her  interest  to  dispose  of  them.  If  a  customer  gives  a 
belated  order  for  a  gown  from  some  of  these  materials,  the  dressmaker 
can  not  afford  to  lose  it.  "I  sometimes  take  an  order  that  I  know 
I  can  not  finish  without  working  overtime,"  said  one  dressmaker, 
"but  I  have  the  materials  in  stock  and  I  must  dispose  of  them. 
The  inspector  came  the  other  evening,  but  fortunately  I  had  closed 
up.  If  she  had  come  almost  any  other  evening  this  week,  she  would 
have  caught  us  working." 

Failure  to  organize  the  work  systematically  may  also  lead  to  over- 
time. Some  well-regulated  shops  open  and  close  like  clockwork, 
and  workers  who  have  been  employed  for  years  have  never  known 
five  minutes'  overtime.  Others  are  unanimously  reported  by  the 
workers  as  regular  offenders.  There  are  not  sufficient  workers  and 
the  work  is  poorly  systematized;  consequently,  the  gowns  are  not 
completed  at  the  specified  time  and  the  workers  must  finish  them 

1  Miss  Collet  reported  a  similar  situation  in  England.    Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  of  Labor.    Con- 
ditions of  Work  in  London,  by  Clara  E.  Collet,  p.  13.    See  also  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes,  par 
Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris,  Sept.  15,  1901,  pp.  368,  369. 

2  Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  of  Labor.    Conditions  ot  Work  in  London,  by  Clara  E.  Collet,  p.  13. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A.TBADE  FOB  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       115 

v  they  go  home  at  night.  "There  is  a  great  deal  of  overtime  at 
A—  — Js,"  said  one  gu-l.  "Everything  is  hopelessly  confused  and 
mixed  up  and  there  is  constant  doing  over  and  overlapping  of  work. 
We  never  stopped  at  six,  and  no  extra  pay.  I  refused  to  work  later 
than  8  o'clock  there."  But  these  conditions  are  not  merely  local. 
"Frequently,"  said  M.  Alfassa,  of  the  trade  in  Paris,  "nightwork 
was  the  result  of  bad  management ;  the  materials  and  the  trimmings 
are  not  distributed  in  good  time;  the  saleswomen  are  careless  about 
turning  in  the  orders.  It  is  to  their  interest  to  sell  and  consequently 
to  grant  everything  the  clients  ask  without  concerning  themselves 
with  the  capacity  of  production  in  the  workroom."  1 

Overtime  is  more  likely  to  occur  in  a  custom  trade,  such  as  dress- 
making, than  in  the  manufacturing  industries.  A  large  factory, 
dependent  on  electric  power,  many  lights,  and  a  large  force  can 
scarcely  escape  the  detection  of  the  inspectors,  and  the  results  are 
scarcely  worth  the  risk.  Moreover  union  regulations  make  over- 
time impossible  in  many  of  the  large  factories.  In  a  custom  shop, 
the  workroom  of  which  is  usually  remote  from  the  street,  a  few  em- 
ployees may  easily  work  late  at  night  with  little  danger  of  discovery. 
The  trade  because  of  its  semiprivate  nature  has,  moreover,  not 
assumed  sufficient  importance  in  the  eyes  of  tne  inspectors  of  Massachu- 
setts to  merit  a  great  deal  of  attention.  While  about  three-fourths  of 
the  estimated  number  of  professional  dressmakers  in  Boston  appeared 
at  least  once,  though  seldom  twice,  on  the  records  of  the  factory 
inspector  during  a  period  of  one  year,  the  inspectors  of  the  other 
cities  studied  made  no  reports .  concerning  dressmakers,  and  pre- 
sumably no  visits  were  made  to  the  dressmakers  of  their  respective 
cities.  The  majority  are  of  a  private  character  and  employ  few  if 
any  workers,  hence  do  not  seem  to  merit  the  time  and  attention 
of  the  overworked  inspectors.2  Nor  is  this  neglect  or  perhaps  over- 
sight of  the  custom  workers  local.  M.  Alfassa  reported  one  dress- 
making shop  in  Paris  which  had  not  been  visited  once  in  eight  ye.ars,3 
The  isolation  of  the  workers,  their  distribution  among  many  shops, 
and  the  character  and  conditions  of  their  work  combine  to  make 
their  protection  more  difficult  than  that  of  the  factory  worker. 

In  spite  of  their  dislike  of  overtime,  the  employees  are  usually  wont 
to  protect  their  own  interests  by  sliielding  then*  employer  rather  than 

i  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Famines,  par  Georpes  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris,  Sept.  15, 1904,  p.  384.  - 
1  The  law  provides  for  "the  inspection  and  licensing  ol  buildings  or  parts  of  buildings  used  for  industrial 
purposes,  the  inspection  and  licensing  of  the  workers  therein  and  of  all  other  industrial  employees  within 
the  Commonwealth."  But  in  prescribing  the  duties  of  inspectors  with  relation  to  "lighting,  ventilation, 
and  cleanliness,"  and  "toilet  facilities,"  only  "a  factory  in  which  five  or  more  persons  and  a  workshop 
in  which  five  or  more  women  or  young  persons  are  employed"  are  specified.  Laws  Relating  to  Labor, 
1913,  compiled  by  the  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Labor  and  Industries,  pp.  5, 11,  and  22. 

3  It  is  interesting  to  see  that  M.  Alfassa  found  all  the  causes  and  conditions  resulting  in  overtime  in  Paris 
which  were  found  in  Boston.  Le  Travail  de  Xuit  des  Femmes,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris, 
Sept.  15,  1904,  pp.  367-389. 


116  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

by  assisting  inspectors  in  the  enforcement  of  the  law.  "Last  year," 
said  the  mother  of  a  young  girl  of  17,  "Anna  used  to  work  three  or 
four  evenings  a  week  until  7  or  8  o'clock  (5.30  was  the  regular  closing 
time).  Sometimes  the  employer  shortened  the  lunch  hour,  if  in  a 
hurry.  When  the  inspector  came,  the  girls  said  they  never  worked 
overtime." 

Investigators  and  inspectors  in  London  and  Paris  report  a  similar 
difficulty.  "When  found  working  by  a  factory  inspector,"  said  Miss 
Collet,  in  London,  "they  falsely  declared  that  it  was  the  first  night 
they  had  worked  overtime  that  week."  l  The  Parisian  inspectors 
complain  at  length  of  the  many  ruses  by  which  they  are  deluded  and 
circumvented.2  This  difficulty  is  largely  the  result  of  the  workers' 
lack  of  organization,  each  girl  fearing  to  take  a  stand  which  will 
involve  her  in  difficulties  with  her  employer. 

Overtime  in  dressmaking  is,  however,  much  disliked  by  the  workers 
for  two  reasons.  It  can  seldom  be  foreseen,  so  the  workers  can  not 
make  their  plans  accordingly,  and  many  firms  do  not  pay  for  the 
additional  time  and  work.3  "I  never  could  make  engagements," 
said  one  much  discouraged  girl;  "I  never  had  Saturday  nights. 
Miss  M.  used  to  say  l  you  know  I  can  work  you  till  20  minutes  of  7,' 
but  we  often  had  to  work  until  9.  We  were  told  if  we  did  not  stay, 
we  need  not  come  back  next  day."  "About  six  weeks  in  the  fall  sea- 
son," said  another,  "the  girls  have  to  work  overtime.  There  is  no 
definite  arrangement.  It  is  just  according  to  rush  orders  or  the 
amount  of  work  which  has  to  be  got  out  in  a  specified  time.  I  havo 
had  to  work  many  times  until  8  o'clock,  and  once  until  half  past  10. 
I  am  sure  I  worked  full  58  hours  and  I  believe  more,  though  I  never 
kept  count."  "We  worked  six  and  sometimes  more  hours  overtime 

a  week  almost  regularly  in  Miss  C 's  shop,"  said  another.    "We 

work  two  hours  overtime  regularly  through  the  busy  season,"  said 
another.  "We  worked  until  7  o'clock  every  night  for  three  weeks." 
Another  girl  must  work  evenings  and  Sundays  if  necessary.  l '  If  you 
could  only  abolish  overtime,"  said  a  Boston  girl,  "dressmaking 
would  be  all  right;  but  to  work  from  8  in  the  morning  until  9  or  11 
at  night,  and  no  extra  pay,  I  would  not  do  it  any  longer." 

The  law  of  Massachusetts  prohibits  nightwork,  from  10  p.  m."  to 
6  a.  m.,4  for  women  in  manufacturing  establishments.  A  girl  of  21 
worked  until  half  past  10  in  the  heart  of  the  city  and  had  to  go  to  her 

1  Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  of  Labor.    Conditions  of  Work  in  London,  by  Clara  E.  Collet,  p.  13. 

2  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris,  Sept.  15, 1904,  p.  382. 

3  "At  seven  or  half  past  seven,"  said  Albert  de  Mun,  when  testifying  before  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in 
France,  "at  the  moment  when  the  workers  are  about  to  leave,  they  are  informed  that  there  will  be  a 
'  veillee/  they  had  not  been  informed  beforehand;  very  often  they  already  have  their  hats  on  their  heads." 
L'Industrie  de  la  Couture  et  de  la  Confection  a  Paris,  par  L&m  de  Seilhae,  p.  44. 

4  Laws  of  Massachusetts,  R.  L.  vol.  106,  sec.  27  (district  police).     Bulletin  of  United  States  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics  No.  148,  p.  972. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       117 

home  after  that  hour.  A  girl  of  17  "had  worked  until  11  o'clock 
when  dresses  just  had  to  go  out  that  night."  * '  We  worked  many  nights 
until  11  o'clock  through  most  of  the  busy  season/'  said  another. 

In  spite  of  the  many  reports  of  overtime  by  the  workers,  the  exact 
truth  as  to  the  actual  amount  is  most  difficult  to  secure  from  this 
source.  Where  the  workers  are  paid  at  a  specific  rate  for  overtime, 
however,  this  can  be  accurately  determined  from  the  pay  roll.  Of 
the  rest,  nothing  definite  can  be  known. 

On  the  pay  roll  of  one  of  the  large  fashionable  shops,  39  of  the 
43  weeks  of  the  season  1909-10,  and  again  in  1910-11,  showed 
overtime.  In  1909,  there  was  a  total  of  1,277.6  hours  overtime, 
which  equals  141.9  days  of  9  hours  each,  or  23.6  weeks  of  54  hours 
each  for  a  working  force  with  a  maximum  of  65  workers.  Dur- 
ing the  year  1910,  $409.73  was  paid  for  a  total  of  1,671.3  hours 
overtime,  making  185.7  days  of  9  hours  or  31  weeks  of  54  hours. 
In  other  words,  there  was  enough  extra  work  to  have  occupied 
one  person  23.6  weeks  in  1909,  and  31  weeks  in  1910.  Now  this 
sounds  as  if  the  remedy  were  simple  enough.  Employ  another  per- 
son. But  it  is  not  so  simple.  All  this  extra  work  represented  by  the 
overtime  was  not  the  work  of  one  person,  nor  could  it  be,  since  no 
one  person  in  the  trade  produces  all  parts  of  a  garment.  One  night  a 
tailor  and  his  assistants  must  finish  a  coat.  Another  night,  perhaps, 
a  dozen  women  must  stay  to  finish  up  a  dainty  trousseau  of  delicate 
chiffon  and  laces.  Because  of  the  extreme  subdivision  of  labor,  a 
particular  worker  must,  sometimes,  stay  and  work  overtime  night 
after  night  because  her  particular  services  are  needed.  Again,  the 
dependence  of  one  worker  on  another  may  cause  overtime.  For 
instance,  the  power-machine  operator  may  be  delayed  because  the 
handworkers  have  not  basted  the  materials  together  before  the  clos- 
ing hour;  the  waist  girl  may  be  delayed  because  the  sleeve  girls  have 
not  completed  their  section;  the  trimmer  or  the  tailor  must  put  on 
the  last  finishing  touches  before  the  garment  goes  out  of  the  shop. 
For  this  reason  the  instances  of  overtime  may  greatly  exceed  the 
number  of  persons  working.  Thus,  in  the  second  week  of  November, 
1909,  37  persons  in  one  shop  worked  overtime  during  the  week,  but 
some  worked  several  nights',  making  107  instances  of  overtime.  The 
following  table  shows  the  number  of  hours  overtime  worked  by  each 
of  these  employees  during  the  week. 


118 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


TABLE  39.— AMOUNT  OF  OVERTIME  IN  A  SHOP  IN  THE  WEEK  OF  MAXIMUM  OVERTIME 
ENDING  NOVEMBER  6,1909. 

[Based  on  pay  roll.] 


Case  No. 

Hours  of  overtime  worked  by  employees  oa— 

Total 
hoars 
over- 
time 
worked. 

Amount 
paid  for 
over- 
time. 

Mon- 
day. 

Tues- 
day. 

Wednes- 
day. 

Thurs- 
day. 

Friday. 

Satur- 

Sun- 
day. 

1  

1              1 

4 
29 
Zk 
2" 

2 
21  i 
3" 

2| 

I 

10.12 
3.50 
1.11 
2.33 
.46 
.33 
.28 
.37 
.75 
1.25 
3.46 
,24 
8.33 
.50 
.56 

1 

2J 

1 

f 

1 

1 

3 

4 

5 

j 

1 

1 

3     j  

6 

1 

7 

I 

8 

H 

2^ 

i 

9 

2 



101 

1 

1 

'    | 

II1 

1 

1 
4 

1 

1 
1 

4.  1 
1" 
1  1 

i 

1 

12 

13  1       ... 

1 

1 

i 

1 

9 

14 

15 

1 

*  i               I 

17 

ij 

j 

.28 
-05 
1.17 
.37 
1.58 
.13 
1.67 
1.39 
1.00 
1.25 
.90 
1.50 
1.73 
.83 
.56 
.17 
.50 
.96 
.52 
3.30 
,36 

18  i  

1   I              J               I              i 

ID  .      ..                                              U 

2               1 

...... 

20 

i 

21 

•- 

2\ 

I 

H 

i 

22 

.. 

1 
9 
5 
43 
g 

4i 
5" 
2* 

3 

3 

22 

23 

1 

i& 

24 

li 

•  •  •  j  : 

25 

26 

27 

i 

i] 
ij 
i 
i. 

3 

2'. 

1 
2 

28 

i 

1* 

Ij 

29  

1 

30 

31 

32  

33 

1 

I.1. 
3' 

i 

34                                                ! 

35  

i; 

36  i 

2j 

1 

1 

2 

371  

Total  amount  

Number  of  instances 
of  overtime  ..J 

10 

20 

14 
14 

50 
30 

33i 
19 

w;|        » 

il  ! 

1321- 
107 

43.81 

Men;  hence  not  limited  by  legislation. 


-  Not  specified  by  clays. 


No.  13,  a  man  tailor,  worked  every  night  and  Sunday,  besides; 
four  people  worked  every  night;  19  workers  stayed  three  or  more 
nights  for  extra  wrork.  The  men  were  not  subject  to  the  law  limiting 
the  week  to  58  hours,  but  cases  of  illegal  overtime  appear  for  the 
women.  Since  the  regular  working  week  in  the  shop  is  54  hours,  any 
woman  working  more  than  four  hours  overtime  exceeds  the  legal 
limit,  which  is  the  case  of  15  women  as  shown  in  Table  39.  In  no  case 
did  the  women  work  later  than  10  o'clock  (closing  hour  of  the  shop 
was  6  o'clock) ,  though  one  young  woman,  No.  26,  must  have  worked  un- 
til 10,  after  which  she  had  to  reach  her  home  in  a  remote  suburb.  The 
number  working  overtime  during  that  week  ranged  from  10  on  Mon- 
day to  30  on  Thursday,  only  two  of  whom  worked  less  than  one  hour. 
Any  woman  working  more  than  one  hour  overtime  in  a  day  again 
exceeds  the  legal  limit,  which  is  a  10-hour  day.  On  Thursday  of  this 
week  11  women  exceeded  the  10-hour  day;  during  the  whole  week 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOE  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.        119 

there  were  40  instances  of  women  exceeding  the  10-hour  working  day. 
November  was  the  month  of  maximum  overtime  both  in  1909  and 
1910,  and  the  second  week  showed  the  greatest  rush  in  both  years. 
In  the  second  week  of  November,  1909,  37  people,  representing  107 
instances,  worked  182J  hours,  enough  for  three  people  working  a  58- 
hour  week  and  one  person  working  one  day.  In  the  same  week  of 
1910,  44  people,  representing  168  instances  of  overtime,  worked  186J 
hours,  again  enough  for  three  people  working  a  58-hour  week  and  one 
person  working  a  day  and  a  half.  December  also  is  a  rush  month 
with  a  good  deal  of  overtime,  though  it  rapidly  decreases  during  the 
month. 

The  following  table  shows  the  variation  of  overtime  by  months  in  a 
large  shop : 

TABLE  4O.-OVERTIME    IN    A    LARGE    SHOP    FOR    TWO    CONSECUTIVE    YEARS,  1909-10 

AND  1910-11. 
[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Month  and  week. 

Overtime  in  1909-10. 

Overtime  in  1910-11. 

Number  of  per- 
sons. 

Num- 
ber of 
in- 
stances. 

Num- 
ber of 

hours. 

Amount 
paid. 

Number  of  per- 
sons. 

Num- 
ber of 
in- 
stances. 

Num- 
ber of 
hours. 

Amount 
paid. 

Em- 
ployed. 

Work- 
ing 
over- 
time. 

Em- 
ployed. 

Work- 
ing 
over- 
time. 

October: 
1st  week  . 

49 
51 
55 
55 
51 

57 
57 
58 
63 

60 
58 
58 
63 

2 
3 

8 
8 
25 

40 
37 
36 
19 

27 

19 
21 
12 

2 
3 
12 

8 
56 

107 
107 
98 
37 

54 
40 
36 

17 

1 

122J 
331 

S3.  00 
.65 
2.82 
3.26 
23.47 

26.83 
45.64 
37.% 
12.21 

22.95 
15.39 
24.59 
8.49 

50 
54 
57 
58 
56 

56 
57 
60 
61 

61 
65 

62 
62 
58 

62 
55 

54 
54 

4 

10 
12 
17 
21 

37 
44 
40 
41 

43 
30 
38 
25 
10 

11 
10 
16 
14 

5 
13 
16 
19 
50 

94 
168 
112 
111 

122 
81 
98 
42 
12 

13 
12 

27 
19 

13J 

53 

liij 

1S6J 

S3 
UP 

118* 

1 

17 
15 

$4.32 
2.13 
5.33 
2.66 
17.56 

26.70 
43.53 
37.27 
29.69 

37.68 
28.95 
30.22 
9.12 
3.18 

2.85 
L57 
5.30 
3.09 

2d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week  
5th  week  
November: 
1st  week 

2dweek... 

3d  week. 

4th  week  
December: 
1st  week.  
2dweek  
3d  week 

4th  week  
5th  week  

January: 
1st  week  .  .  , 

53 
57 
41 

42 
46 

44 
41 
31 

29 

3 
12 
41 
49 

53 
52 
53 
52 
52 

52 
51 
51 
50 

7 

8 

71 

1.31 

2d  week.  .  . 

3d  week 

4th  week... 
5th  week  
February: 
1st  week  
2d  week  

5 

17 

13 
3 

7 

28 

20 

4 
8 

f 

81 

1,59 
11.43 

3.40 
.39 
2.02 

52 
51 
42 
23 

6 
6 
38 

52 

54 
56 
57 
58 

58 

59 
58 
57 
58 

€ 

7 

•i 

1.04 

3d  week  

1 

1 

1 

i 

.10 
.09 

4th  week. 
March: 
1st  week... 

2dweek  

1 
19 
2 

7 
17 
18 
13 
20 

4 

15 

17 

1 
32 
2 

34 
39 
26 
38 

5 
8 
20 
23 

I 

1 

32" 

.S3 
14.23 
.38 

4.74 
14.16 
11.64 
6.94 
9.36 

1.47 
1.34 
4.08 
4.96 

3d  week  

1 

20 
IS 
21 
21 
24 

32 
27 
18 
20 

5 

29 
43 
33 
37 
62 

69 
59 
42 
46 

LOO 
2.97 

5.17 
7.80 
5.69 
13.52 
12.78 

11.63 
9.  38 
6.52 
6.70 

4th  week  
April: 
1st  week 

3 
22 

29J 

2dweek  

3d  week.. 

4th  week  
5th  week... 
May: 
1st  week  
2dweek..  .  . 

3d  week.  .  .  . 
4th  week  

120 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


TABLE  4O.— OVERTIME   IN  A  LARGE  SHOP    FOR    TWO  CONSECUTIVE    YEARS,  1909-10 

AND  1910-11— Concluded. 


Month  and  week. 

Overtime  in  1909-10. 

Overtime  in  1910-11. 

Number  of  per- 
sons. 

Num- 
ber of 
in- 
stances. 

Num- 
ber of 
hours. 

Amount 
paid. 

Number  of  per- 
sons. 

Num- 
ber of 
in- 
stances. 

Num- 
ber of 
hours. 

Amount 
paid. 

Em- 
ployed. 

Work- 
ing 
over- 
time. 

Em- 
ployed. 

Work- 
ing 
over- 
time. 

June: 
1st  week  
2d  week  

51 

48 
48 
46 

44 
41 
43 
38 

20 
12 
10 
9 

3 
4 
5 

10 

43 
18 
12 
12 

4 
4 
7 
13 

51| 

16 

6> 

8i 

2 

I 

$10.  23 
3.18 
1.35 
1.85 

.46 
.80 

.88 
2.08 

57 

57 
56 
52 

46 
44 
41 
34 

12 
17 
18 
9 

16 

16 
39 
31 
21 

30 

14J 
30i 
18 
14 

281 

$3.10 
6.18 
4.48 
4.06 

G.04 

3d  week 

4th  week  
July: 
1st  week  

2d  week 

3d  week  

9 
13 

21 
19 

25 
24J 

4.88 
5.45 

4th  week..  . 

Total  

1,000 

1,277^ 

342.  36 

1,631 

1,6711  |      -309.73 

The  relation  between  overtime  and  the  seasons  is  apparent.1  The 
maximum  overtime  comes  in  November  and  May,  the  heights  of  the 
two  seasons  in  this  particular  shop  in  1910.  The  minimum  overtime 
in  January,  February,  and  first  part  of  March  corresponds  with  the 
depths  of  the  trade  depression.  The  fall  season  in  this  shop  is,  how- 
ever, characterized  by  a  great  deal  more  overtime  than  the  spring. 
This  seems  to  be  explained  by  the  character  of  the  clientele.  The 
patrons  of  the  shop  are  wealthy  and  fashionable  people,  who  do  not 
return  to  the  city  until  October.  The  orders  precipitate  a  deluge  of 
work  demanding  immediate  execution,  for  everyone  has  "  no  thing  to 
wear."  Through  November,  therefore,  the  work  can  be  completed 
only  by  overtime  for  a  large  part  of  the  force.  The  spring  orders, 
however,  come  in  much  more  gradually  and  are  distributed  over  a 
greater  length  of  time,  so  while  there  is  still  a  great  deal  of  overtime, 
the  management  is  better  able  to  control  it. 

The  labor  problem  which  the  employer  faces  also  becomes  apparent. 
The  cataclysmic  rush  of  work  in  the  fall  necessitates  one  of  two  things, 
overtime  or  more  workers.  But  scarcity  of  skilled  labor  is  one  of 
the  most  serious  difficulties  of  the  trade.  Moreover,  it  is  not  one 
or  two  workers  who  are  needed,  but  different  workers  in  the  various 
departments  for  a  short  time.  Skilled  workers  can  seldom  be  picked 
up  for  a  short  rush  season,- as  they  have  comparatively  steady  work, 
and  few  employers  can  stand  the  expense  of  holding  through  the 
year  a  large  number  of  skilled  workers  who  are  needed  but  a  few 
months.  The  alternative  appears  to  be  overtime  as  long  as  the  orders 
of  the  customers  come  within  a  short  rush  period. 


See  Chart  C. 


DRESSMAKIXG  AS  A  TRADE  FOB  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS 

CHART  C.— OVERTIME  IN  A  LARGE  SHOP  DURING  THE  YEARS  190£-10  AND  1910-ll7 

[Based  on  Table  40.J 


I 


y 


Few  pay  rolls,  however,  give  such  complete  record  of  overtime 
as  was  found  in  this  shop,  and  therefore  to  what  extent  such  overtime 
is  characteristic  of  the  large  fashionable  shops  in  general  it  is  im- 
possible to  say.  The  pay  roll  of  another  shop,  equally  large  and  ca- 
tering to  the  same  type  of  people,  showed  very  little  pay  for  over- 
time and  that  only  occasionally.  The  natural  presumption  would 
be  that  there  was  little  overtime  there.  Reports  from  the  workers, 
however,  show  this  is  no4  true.  The  majority  said  overtime  was 
compensated  by  equal  time  off,  though  one  said  she  had  the  choice  of 
pay  or  time  off.  The  overtime,  under  this  system  of  compensa- 
tion, does  not  appear  on  the  pay  roll,  nor  can  it  be  accurately  ascer- 
tained from  any  source. 

Another  high-class  shop,  though  employing  about  half  as  large  a 
force  (35),  showed  much  less  overtime.  Some  appeared  on  the  pay 
roll  during  15  of  the  39  weeks  working  season.  The  second  week  in 
November,  eight  workers  received  50  cents  extra  and  five  workers 
$1  each  for  overtime,  but  the  number  of  hours  worked  was  not 
specified.  Again,  the  first  week  in  December  an  equal  number 


122  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

received  varying  amounts,  none  exceeding  50  cents.  The  last  week 
in  April  and  first  week  in  June  four  people  received  overtime  pay, 
but  during  the  remainder  of  the  season  only  one  or  two,  arid  in  one 
instance  three,  workers  were  paid  for  overtime.  The  relation  of  over- 
time to  the  heights  of  the  seasons  is  here  again  apparent.  But  this 
is  not  an  accurate  account  of  the  overtime  in  this  shop,  as  one  worker 
reported  overtime  with  no  compensation,  an  instance  again  of  over- 
time that  does  not  appear  on  the  pay  roll. 

More  than  one-half  the  200  workers  visited  reported  overtime  during 
the  year  which  may  or  may  not  have  been  illegal;  one-third  (34)  of  those 
reporting  received  no  pay  for  additional  time  and  work.  Overtime 
was  reported  for  59  shops,  though  in  only  6  of  these  was  it  habitual  or 
frequent.  More  than  one-third  (39  per  cent)  of  the  59  shops  did 
not  pay  for  overtime.  One  worker  said  she  received  "" nothing  for 
once  or  twice."  One  was  paid  "  about  one-half  the  time."  Another 
said  her  employer  "  always  promised  to  pay  them  for  overtime,  but  she 
never  did."  Four  shops,  according  to  the  reports  of  the  workers, 
made  it  up  to  them  by  allowing  time  later,  and  one  shop  gave  the 
choice  between  pay  and  time  off.1  "I  sometimes  work  until  7  o'clock 
several  times  a  week  during  rush  season,"  said  one  girl.  "Once  I 
worked  until  9  o'clock.  But  they  make  it  up  to  the  girls  by  giving 
them  an  afternoon  off.  They  are  perfectly  fair  about  it.  We  are 
never  asked  to  exceed  the  legal  weekly  limit  and  are  glad  to  work 
overtime  some  evenings  to  get  the  afternoon  off."  2 

The  large  establishments,  on  the  whole,  may  be  said  to  pay  for  or 
at  least  compensate  overtime.  A  fashionable  shop  of  100  workers, 
however,  notorious  for  its  continuous  and  extended  overtime,  did 
not  pay  for  it,  while  some  of  the  small  shops  did,  so  it  is  difficult  to 
generalize.  The  payment  for  Overtime  ultimately  depends  on  the 
businesslike  methods  of  the  employer  and  on  the  employees  them- 
selves. Some  employees  refuse  to  stay  night  after  night  without  pay. 
Others  are  afraid  to  refuse'.3 

Overtime  without  pay  would  seem  to  be  a  profitable  system.  To 
what  extent  this  opportunity  is  abused  by  the  employer  it  would  be 

difficult  to  say.  "The  girls  worked  at  Miss  B— 's  shop  during 

the  three  months  of  the  spring  season  every  night  until  12  o'clock," 
said  one  worker.  "Miss  B—  -  would  declare  the  gown  had  to  be 

1  Miss  Collet  discovered  a  similar  diversity  \vith  regard  to  payment  for  overtime  in  London.    Groat 
Britain,  Royal  Commission  of  Labor.    Conditions  of  Work  in  London  (1893),  by  Clara  E.  Collet,  p.  13. 

2  Miss  Irwin  reported  a  similar  custom  among  some  dressmakers  in  Scotland.    Great  Britain,  Royal 
Commission  of  Labor.    Conditions  of  Work  in  Scotland,  by  Margaret  Irwin,  p.  292. 

3  Miss  Collet,  in  London,  and  Miss  Orme  and  Miss  Abraham,  in  Ireland,  found  a  similar  situation.    Great 
Britain,  Royal  Commission.    Conditions  of  Work  in  London,  p.  13;  Conditions  of  Work  in  Ireland,  p.  322, 

M.  du  Maroussem  reported  one  employer  in  Paris  who  paid  double  for  overtime.  Nothing  is  said  about 
the  others,  who  probably  do  not  pay  for  overtime.  France,  Gflice  du  Travail.  La  I'etite  Industrie,  Vol. 
II,  Le  Vetement  a  Paris,  p.  439. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       123 

done  within  a  certain  time  and  then  a  week  after  we  would  see  it 
hanging  in  the  closet.1  She  announced  once  that  'No  girl  need 
expect  to  stay  who  wouldn't  work  overtime/  She  usually  wouldn't 
ask  a  girl  outright  to  stay  at  night,  but  would  say  certain  dresses  had 
to  be  done,  and  if  we  didn't  stay  we  knew  we  would  lose  our  places." 

"Mine,  Z came  in  one  evening,"  said  another  girl,  uand  an- 
nounced that  all  should  work  until  6  o'clock  (half  past  5  being  the 
regular  closing  time),  although  there  was  no  particular  need  for  it, 
The  more  I  thought  of  it  the  more  angry  I  got,  Off  of  18  women  thus 
she  would  get  in  just  a  whole  day's  work  for  no  pay.  When  half-past 

5  came  I  left  and  went  home.  Mnie.  Z said  nothing  to  me  the 

next  morning."  An  older  woman  of  45,  however,  who  only  managed 
to  get  four  months'  work  in  the  whole  year,  could  be  much  less  inde- 
pendent. "  We  often  stayed  at  S 's  three  or  four  nights  a  week 

until  7  or  8.  I  did  not  care  to  be  'stiff '  about  those  things  for  fear  of 
being  discharged,'3  2 

A  few  of  the  Boston  workers  said  that  supper  was  provided  when 
they  worked  late.  "  Many  nights  through  most  of  the  busy  season  we 

worked  until  1 1  o'clock.  Miss  H gave  us  a  sandwich  lor  lunch, 

but  what  was  that?"  said  one  girl,  "Sometimes  we  work  overtime 

at  C 's,"  said  a  more  contented  worker,  "but  we  are  paid  the 

regular  rate  and  a  nice  supper  is  always  brought  in — sandwiches,  hot 
coffee,  cake,  and  fruit.  C—  — 's  is  a  grand  place  to  work." 

The  rate  of  pay  for  overtime  varied  with  the  different  shops.  The 
majority  who  were  paid  received  the  regular  rate  or  approximately 
that  amount.3  A  large  alteration  department  had  a  regular  overtime 
rate  of  25  cents  an  hour.  The  $12  worker  thus  received  about  her 
regular  rate  for  overtime  work,  while  the  $9  worker  received  almost 
half  again  her  regular  rate. 

An  ingenious  scheme  of  adjustment  of  seasonal  fluctuation  and 
hours  was  discovered  in  a  private  shop,  but  with  the  burden  still  on 
the  worker.  The  regular  working  day  was  from  8  a.  m.  to  5.30  p.  m., 
with  one-half  hour  for  lunch.  The  employees  worked  one-half  hour 
over  the  regular  day  two  or  three  times  a  week  throughout  the  busy 
season.  No  pay  was  given  for  the  extra  time  and  work.  In  dull  mid- 
winter from  Thanksgiving  until  the  opening  of  the  spring  season  the 
hours  were  changed  from  8  a.  m.  to  4  p.  m.  with  one-half  hour  for 
lunch,  and  workers  received  but  five  days'  pay.  In  the  busy  season 
they  worked  more  than  they  were  paid  for.  In  the  dull  season  five 
days'  work  was  spread  over  six  days  and  they  were  paid  for  just  five 

1  See  similar  report  by  M.  Alfassa.    Le  Travail  <!e  Nuit  -des  Fannies,  par  C.eorges  Alfassa,  «n  Revue 
de  Paris,  Sept.  15,  1904,  pp.  384,  385. 

2  Great  Britain,  Royal  Commssioa.    Conditions  of  Work  in  London,  ?>v  Clara  E.  Collet,  p.  13. 

8  A  girl  receiving  $7.50  a  week,  for  instance,  received  11  cents  an  horj  (13  cents  would  have  toen 
regular  pay). 


124  BULLETIN   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

days'  work.  To  what  extent  the  work  done  during  overtime  in  the 
busy  season  would  have  occupied  the  dull  season  is  difficult  to 
determine.  The  demands  of  customers  are  the  ultimate  controlling 
force. 

Conditions  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  made  overtime  profitable 
to  the  employer.  She  could  get  a  great  deal  of  additional  work  at  no 
additional  cost  and  without  violating  the  58-hour  law.  UI  have 
noticed,"  said  a  girl  of  22,  "that  the  dressmakers  who  rushed  the  girls 
and  kept  them  overtime  had  patrons  coming  back  oftener  for  altera- 
tions." The  quality  of  work  done  and  temper  of  the  workroom  force 
might  thus  counterbalance  the  amount  of  work  completed.  "  More- 
over, the  work  done  during  the  day  is  good,"  says  M.  Alfassa,  "  while 
that  done  in  the  evening  is  extremely  defective." 

In  isolated  cases  of  an  eight-hour  day  the  employer  has  maintained 
that  the  same  results  can  be  secured  in  an  eight  as  in  a  nine  hour 
working  day.  "Miss  Olivia Flynt,  Chauncy  Street,  Boston  (reported) 
Hours  of  Labor  per  day  (8)"  in  1871.  "We  are  assured  by  the 
employer  and  employed  that  their  profits  have  been  quite  as  large 
since  the  adoption  of  the  eight  hours  for  a  day's  work  some  eighteen 
months  since,  as  before,  when  working  nine  and  one-half  hours  per 
day."  *  Two  proprietors  of  shops  in  Boston  now  have  an  eight-hour 
day,  one  of  whom  says  she  can  turn  out  as  much  work  in  eight  hours 
as  in  nine  hours  throughout  the  season. 

Legal  prohibition  of  nightwork  and  regulation  of  shop  hours  is 
undoubtedly  beneficial  in  controlling  overtime,  though  a  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  the  legal  limit  of  hours  will  probably  result  in  only  par- 
tially checking  the  tendency  of  customers  to  give  late  orders  and 
to  require  their  completion  within  an  unreasonable  time.  It  may 
result  to  a  certain  extent  in  driving  the  work  out  of  the  shop  to  the 
home.  Some  half  dozen  workers  representing  three  or  four  shops 
reported  taking  work  home  in  the  evening,  for  which  the  majority 
received  no  additional  pay.  "  I  have  taken  a  coat  home  from  H— 
and  embroidered  on  it  at  night  with  no  extra  pay,"  said  one  girl. 
Another  took  material  home  Saturday  and  worked  on  it  a  large  part 
of  Sunday.  An  employee  in  one  of  the  large  shops,  however,  said, 
"In  extreme  rush  we  take  embroidery  home  at  night.  We  get  extra 
pay  and  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  earn  the  extra  money."  The  em- 
ployer thus  escapes  the  danger  of  being  discovered  by  the  inspector, 
but  violates  the  law  which  forbids  work  being  sent  to  the  home  with- 
out a  license.2  The  wearer  is  exposed  to  the  possibilities  of  clothing 
made  under  unsanitary  conditions  and  the  worker  has  seriously  over- 

1  Second  Annual  Report  of  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor  (1871),  p.  216. 

2  Laws  of  Massachusetts,  R.  L.,  vol.  103,  sec.  56  (State  Board  of  Health).    Bulletin  of  the  United 
States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  No.  148,  pp.  982  and  983. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       125 

drawn  on  her  reserve  force.  Both  workers  and  inspectors  reported  a 
similar  situation  in  England.1 

The  evil  effects  of  long  hours  and  overtime  for  women  have  been 
so  clearly  and  voluminously  portrayed  in  the  United  States  and 
Europe  that  it  seems  unnecessary  to  deal  with  them  except  in  a 
cursory  way.2  The  physical  and  nervous  strain  of  overtime  added  to 
the  regular  working  day  is  self-evident.  The  work  begins  at  the 
regular  hour  the  following  day  regardless  of  the  hour  at  which  the 
worker  left  the  shop  the  preceding  night. 

The  moral  aspect  of  the  problem  has  been  emphasized  by  French 
writers.  The  young  girls  and  women  are  exposed  to  many  unpleasant 
experiences  returning  to  their  homes  late  at  night.3  Young  girls 
become  accustomed  to  being  out  at  night,  and  their  parents  have  no 
way  of  knowing  w^hen  it  is  necessary.  "Does  Anna  have  to  stay  at 
night  very  often?"  the  investigator  asked  a  mother.  "I  can't  tell," 
said  the  mother.  "Sometimes  she  comes  home  late  and  says  she 
was  kept  in  at  the  shop.  But  you  can't  always  believe  what  young 
girls  say." 

A  more  equal  distribution  of  work  throughout  the  year,  or  work  for 
a  larger  number  of  women  must  result  if  the  legal  regulation  of 
the  working  day  be  enforced.  English  trade-union  workers  and 
inspectors  believe  that  such  a  result  has  been  secured  in  England.1 
Legislation  and  adequate  inspection  can  contribute  to  the  betterment 
of  working  conditions.  The  54-hour  week  without  exceptions  should 
greatly  simplify  the  situation  in  the  dressmaking  trade,  as  under  it  the 
legal  and  the  actual  working  day  of  the  majority  of  shops  are  synony- 
mous. Enforcement  of  this  legislation  is  the  problem  of  the  times, 
but  it  can  be  greatly  facilitated  by  the  customers  and  by  emplo}^ees. 

The  movement  for  abolishing  nightwork  for  women  received  a 
powerful  impetus  in  the  signature  by  14  European  States  of  the 
international  convention  respecting  the  prohibition  of  nightwork  for 
women  in  industrial  employment.  The  convention  guarantees  to 
women  in  industrial  occupations  in  the  signatory  States  a  night  rest 
of  11  consecutive  hours,  part  of  which  must  cover  the  period  from  10 
p.  m.  to  5  a.  m.  This  convention  came  into  force  January  14, 1912,  in 
the  12  States  which  had  ratified  it  by  January  14,  1910.  These  coun- 

1  Great  Britain  Factory  and  Workshops  Acts  Commission.  Report  of  the  Commissioners  appointed 
to  inquire  into  the  working  of  the  Factory  and  Workshops  Acts,  Vol.  I,  p.  56.  London,  1876. 

3  Decision  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  in  Curt  Muller  v.  State  of  Oregon,  and  Brief  for  the 
State  of  Oregon,  1907;  also  W.  C.  Ritchie  &  Co.  v.  Wayman  and  Davies,  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois, 
December,  1909,  by  Louis  D.  Brandeis,  assisted  by  Josephine  Goldmark.  Fatigue  and  Efficiency,  by 
Josephine  Coldmark,  New  York,  1912.  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue 
de  Taris,  Sept.  15,  1904.  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes  dans  L'Industrie  Francaise,  par  Marthe 
Jay,  p.  12.  Die  gewerbliche  Nachtarbeit  der  Frauen,  Stephen  Bauer,  Jena,  1903,  p.  2. 

3  See  similar  statements  in  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes  dans  L'Industrie  Francaise,  par  Marthe 
Jay,  p.  12.  Le  Travail  de  Nuit  des  Femmes,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  en  Revue  de  Paris,  Sept.  15,  1904, 
pp.  367-389. 


126  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

tries  are  Germany,  Austria,,  Hungary,  Belgium,  France,  the  United 
Kingdom,  Italy,  Luxemburg,  Netherlands,  Portugal,  Switzerland, 
and  Sweden.1  The  United  States  as  a  unit  has  no  such  legisla- 
tion. This  important  matter  is  left  to  the  individual  States  and  the 
resultant  variation  is  always  a  weapon  of  the  eniploj^ers  against 
reduction  of  the  working  hours  in  a  particular  State  on  the  ground  that 
it  unfairly  handicaps  them  in  the  competition  of  trade.  In  1916 
but  nine  of  the  States  prohibited  nightwork  by  women.2 

»  Bulletin  of  International  Labor  Office  .(1996),  p.  xxxrti.  Spain  and  Denmark  were  the  two  remain- 
ing countries. 

2  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Indiana,  Massachusetts,  Nebraska,  Ne\v  York,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  and 
South  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


WAGES  AND  EARNINGS  IN  BOSTON. 

Custom  dressmaking  with  its  emphasis  on  fine  handwork  is  still,  at 
the  opening  of  the  twentieth  century,  primarily  woman's  work.  The 
last  official  statistics  given  for  this  branch  of  the  trade  were  those 
collected  in  1900.  In  that  year  the  average  number  of  men,  women, 
and  children  employed  in  custom  and  factory  dressmaking,  and  the 
wages  received  by  each  group,  were  as  follows: 

TABLE  41 NUMBER    AND    WAGES    OF   MEN,  WOMEN,  AND    CHILDREN  IN  CUSTOM 

DRESSMAKING  AND  IN  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.* 


Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing  shops. 

Workers. 

Average 
number 

Per  cent 
of  average 
number 

Total 
wages 

Per  cent 
of  total 

Average 
number 

Per  cent 
of  average 
number 

Total 
wages 

Per  cent 
of  total 

ployed. 

of  wage- 
earners. 

paid. 

paid. 

ployed. 

of  wage- 
earners. 

paid. 

paid. 

Mon  

4.379  !             9.6 

$2,943.175 

20.6 

26  109 

31  2 

515  790  572 

4&5 

Women                         40  835 

89.6 

11  363  683 

79  1 

rW   Sfifi 

67  9 

Irt  fi7n  300 

51  2 

Children  

381 

45,595 

.3               764 

.9  !      'l20  139 

.3 

Total.... 

45.  595           100.  0 

14.352.453 

100.0 

83.739 

100.0  '  32.536.  101 

100.0 

i  United  States  Census,  1900.    Manufactures,  Pt.  Ill,  p.  302. 

It  will  be  seen  that  in  custom  dressmaking  the  women  represented 
almost  90  per  cent.  In  the  factory  branch  of  the  clothing  trade,  in- 
volving heavier  machine  work,  more  emphasis  on  speed,  and  a  greater 
variety  of  materials  and  product,  men  constituted  31.2  per  cent  of  the 
force. 

Turning  to  the  matter  of  wages,  it  appears  that  in  custom  dress- 
making, although  men  formed  less  than  10  per  cent  of  the  working 
force,  they  drew  20  per  cent  of  the  total  wages  paid.  In  the  manu- 
facturing branch  the  men  also  drew  more  than  their  proportionate 
share  of  the  total  wages,  but  relatively  their  excess  is  less  than  in 
custom  dressmaking.  This  is  due  to  the  difference  in  the  skill  re- 
quired of  men  in  the  two  branches  of  the  trade.  However,  in  both 
branches  the  men  drew  a  much  larger  proportion  and  the  women  and 
children  a  much  smaller  proportion  of  the  total  wages  paid  than  they 
represented  in  the  working  force. 

The  investigation  on  which  this  chapter  is  based  has  been  confined 
to  those  shops  making  high-class  dresses,  custom  and  wholesale,  a 

127 


128 


BULLETIN   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 


branch  of  the  trade  which  is  still  practically  monopolized  by  women. 
While  custom  dressmaking  in  Massachusetts  has  reached  a  fair  degree 
of  development,  the  manufacturing  branch,  because  of  concentration 
in  New  York,  is  unusual  and  sporadic  in  this  State,  and  has  necessarily 
been  treated  more  from  a  comparative  standpoint  than  as  a  basis  of 
study  in  itself.  The  pay-roll  records  of  735  workers  in  14  custom 
dressmaking  shops  1  and  of  522  workers  in  the  only  two  high-class 
dressmaking  factories  in  Boston  making  a  product  selling  at  whole- 
sale for  $18  or  more,  and  the  personal  testimony  of  200  workers  visited 
in  their  homes  form  the  basis  for  conclusions  on  the  wage  situation 
in  the  dressmaking  trade  of  Boston. 

The  sex  and  age  of  the  workers  studied  in  Boston  are  shown  in  the 
following  table: 

TABLE  42.— NUMBER  OF  MEN,  WOMEN,  AND  CHILDREN  UNDER  16  EMPLOYED  IN  14 
CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON  DURING 
ONE  YEAR. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Workers. 

Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing  shops. 

A 

B 

C 

D 

E 

F 

G 

II 

I 

J 

K 

L 

M 

N 

Total 
num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

X 

Y 

Total 
num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Men 

30 
97 

6 
83 
10 

1 

38 

2 

27 

39 

545 
16 

6.5 
90.8 
2.7 

69 

15 
431 

22 

500 

4.2 

95.8 

Women 

59 

44 
1 

55 
1 

34 
1 

35 
2 

25 

10 
1 

11 

17 

10 

Children  

Total  

127 

99 

59 

45   39 

29 

56 

35 

37 

25 

11 

11 

17 

10 

600 

100.  0     76 

446 

522 

100.0 

Comparing  these  figures  with  those  from  the  census  just  given,  it 
appears  that  the  proportion  of  women  in  the  custom  trade  in  Boston 
does  not  differ  very  greatly  from  that  in  the  whole  Union.  In  factory 
dressmaking,  however,  Boston  shows  a  much  larger  proportion  of 
women  than  are  found  in  the  trade  as  a  whole. 

This  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  "  women's  clothing  trade,  factory 
product,"  as  described  by  the  census,  includes  much  of  the  heavy 
wear  largely  made  by  men,  while  the  " factory  dressmaking"  studied 
in  Boston  is  confined  to  the  making  of  a  product  similar  to  that  of 
the  custom  shop — light-weight  dresses  of  silk  and  chiffon,  on  which 
women  are  principally  employed,  men  appearing  only  as  designers, 
foremen,  cutters,  pressers,  and  shippers.  Children  under  16  formed 
2.7  per  cent  of  the  600  custom  workers  employed  in  14  custom  shops 
in  Boston  during  the  year  1910-11,  while  none  were  found  among 
522  factory  workers.  Public  sentiment,  the  activity  of  the  Con- 

1  The  records  of  600  workers  appeared  on  the  pay  rolls  of  the  14  custom  shops  during  a  one-year  period, 
September,  1910,  to  September,  1911.  As  an  additional  four  months'  record  from  September  to  December, 
1911,  was  taken  from  several  shops  to  gain  information  concerning  the  effect  of  the  summer  vacation  on 
the  stability  of  the  force,  the  wages  of  the  additional  135  new  workers  who  appeared  during  this  period 
have  been  used  in  some  tables  to  make  as  large  and  representative  a  group  as  possible  on  which  to  base 
conclusions. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       129 


sumers'  League,  and  the  small  value  of  girls  under  16  in  a  dress- 
making factory  militate  against  their  employment.  They  are  used 
as  errand,  floor,  and  stock  girls,  but  Boston  employers  show  an  in- 
creasing unwillingness  to  employ  them  even  on  these  tasks,  saying 
they  are  too  young  and  irresponsible  to  compensate  for  the  trouble 
they  make.  More  than  two-thirds  of  the  children  under  16  in  the 
custom  trade  earned  less  than  $5  a  week. 

Turning  to  a  consideration  of  weekly  wages,  the  following  table 
shows  the  number  and  per  cent  of  men,  women,  and  children  in 
different  wage  groups : 

TABLE  43.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  MEN,  WOMEN,  AND  CHILDREN  UNDER  16 
IN  14  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS,  IN  BOSTON. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Classified       weekly 
wages. 

Custom  shops. 

Manufacturing  shops.1 

Men. 

Women. 

Children. 

Total. 

Men. 

Women. 

Total.* 

Xum- 

»w. 

Per 

cent. 

Xum- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num-  Per 
ber.   cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

1 

62 
372 
181 
30 
4 
5 
3 

9.3 
55.7 
27.1 
4.5 
.6 
.8 
.4 

17 

8 

68.0 
32.0 

79 
383 
187 
36 
24 
7 
5 
1 

10.8 
52.2 
25.4 
5.0 
3.3 
1.0 
.7 
.1 

70 
296 
95 
8 

1 

14.9 
62.8 
20.2 
1.7 
.2 

70 
302 
99 
15 
2 

14.1 

61.1 
20.1 
3.0 
.5 

$5  and  under  $10.. 
110  and  under  $15. 
$15  and  under  $20. 
$20  and  under  $25  . 
$25  and  under  $30. 
$30  and  under  $35.     . 
$35  and  under  $40.     . 
$40  and  under  $45 

j 

2 
2 
1 

7.1 
14.3 
14.3 
47.6 
4.8 
4.8 
2.4 

6 
4 
7 
1 

27.3 
18.2 
31.8 
4.6 

1 

4.5 

1 

.2 

2 

.5 

2 

9.1 

2 

.5 

$45  and  under  $50  
$50  and  under  $60 

1 

2.3 

'  1 

.1 

1 
10 

.1 
1.5 

1 
11 

.1 
1.3 

1 

4.5 

1 

.2 

1 

2.4 

Total 

42  100.  0 

5.7  

668 
90.9 

100.0 

25 
3.4 

100.8 

«735 
100.0 

100.0 

22 
4.5 

100.0 

471 
95.5 

100.0 

493  100.  0 
100.0  

! 

Per  cent  

» No  children  under  16  employed. 
» 29  pieceworkers  excluded. 
*  Some  names  appear  on  the  pay  roll  for  ft  da; 
small  sums.    These  are  drifters,  but  worth  not: 
« Including  135  miscellaneous  workers.    See  note,  p.  128. 


,  or  several  weeks  with  varying 


The  difference  in  the  wages  of  men  and  women  appears  very  strik- 
ingly here.  While  almost  two-thirds  of  the  women  employed  in  cus- 
tom dressmaking  earned  less  than  $10  a  week,  practically  the  same 
proportion  of  the  men  earned  $20  or  more.  In  factory  dressmaking 
three-fourths  of  the  women  earned  less  and  nearly  three-fourths  of 
the  men  earned  more  than  $10  a  week. 

The  table  also  shows  the  difference  in  the  opportunities  offered  by 
the  two  branches  for  earning  good  wages.  In  custom  dressmaking 
35  per  cent  of  the  women  employed  earned  $10  or  over,  against 
22.3  per  cent  in  factory  dressmaking.  Only  two  women  in  the 
latter  branch  earned  as  much  as  or  more  than  $20  a  week,  while  in 
custom  dressmaking  nine  earned  from  $20  to  $30,  three  from  $30  to 
$35,  and  one  between  $50  and  $60.  Because  of  the  demand  for 
29885°— Bull.  193—16 9 


130 


BULLETIN    OF    THE    BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


artistic  lines,  originality,  and  individuality,  custom  dressmaking  is 
unique  in  the  clotning  trades  for  the  opportunity  open  to  the  women 
who  can  meet  the  required  standard.  In  spite  of  the  opportunity, 
few  are  able  to  measure  up  to  it,  and  the  discouraging  fact  remains 
that  almost  one-half  the  custom  workers  and  two-thirds  of  the  fac- 
tory workers  earn  less  than  $9,  which  has  been  estimated  as  the 
minimum  living  wage  in  Boston.1 

The  week  wage  prevails  in  the  high-class  dressmaking  trade,  both 
custom  and  manufacturing,  in  Boston.  In  the  former,  the  character 
of  the  trade  makes  the  week  wage  preferable  for  two  reasons:  First, 
since  custom  dressmaking  stands  for  individuality  and  originality, 
every  gown  must  be  different,  which  makes  the  establishment  of  a 
piece  rate  difficult,  and,  second,  the  week  rate  is  usually  recognized 
as  essential  to  fine,  high-class  work,  for  pieceworkers  are  likely  to  be 
more  interested  in  the  amount  than  the  quality  of  output.  In  no 
purely  custom  shop  in  Boston  was  the  piece-wage  system  in  use,  and 
in  the  two  wholesale  dressmaking  shops  only  29  of  the  522  workers 
were  on  piece  wage.  In  the  larger  factory  it  was  customary  to  put 
new  workers  on  a  piece  rate  for  a  few  weeks,  to  enable  the  forewoman 
to  set  their  weekly  rates.  Since  the  pieceworkers  are  few  and  not 
representative,  they  will  be  excluded  from  the  general  discussion  of 
wages  in  Boston.  The  following  table  shows  their  average  weekly 
wages.  It  will  be  seen  that  24  of  the  29  averaged  less  than  &5  a  week 
and  that  not  one  earned  $9  a  week. 

TABLE  44.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  29  WOMEN  ON   PIECEWORK  IN  2    MAN- 
UFACTURING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON.* 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Classified  weekly  wages.  • 

Number  of  women  earning  wage 
specified. 

Shop  X. 

Shop  Y. 

Total. 

Under  $1  ' 

5 
3 
1 
3 
o 

5 
3 
4 

5 
1 

$1  and  under  $2 

$2  and  under  S3 

3 
1 

$3  and  under  $4  

$4  and  under  $5.. 

$5  and  under  $6  

$7  and  under  $8 

2 

1 

...... 

2 
2 

$8  and  under  $9 

Total 

14 

15 

29 

«  Average  wage  based  on  number  of  weeks  worked.    None  worked  more  than  Qight  weeks  in  shop  X  and 
none  more  than  13  weeks  in  shop  Y. 

One  large  high-class  establishment,  doing  both  custom  and  retail 
manufacturing 2  and  employing  from  400  to  500  workers,  was  unique 
in  that  the  piece-wage  system  was  the  prevailing  method  of  wage 

i The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,  by  M.  Louise  Bosworth.    [New  York,  1911. ]    pp.  0-11. 
2  Gowns  made  up  in  advance  of  orders  and  sold  to  the  prospective  wearers  either  through  the  store  or 
traveling  saleswomen. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       131 

payment,  only  the  heads  and  a  few  others  receiving  a  week  wage. 
The  piece-wage  system  is  also  invading  the  alteration  departments  of 
the  large  stores.  One  firm  had  put  all  alteration  workers  on  piece 
rates,  while  two  firms  were  imposing  this  form  of  payment  on  the 
seasonal  or  extra  workers  only.  Although  the  week  wage  has  the 
advantage  of  a  definite  assured  income,  the  worker  may  be  laid  off 
the  moment  she  can  be  dispensed  with.  The  pieceworker  may,  on 
the  other  hand,  make  something,  although  less  than  usual,  in  dull 
season,  if  she  comes  to  the  factory  each  day. 

Although  the  wages  of  adult  women  workers  in  the  dressmaking 
trade  may  seem  discouraging,  comparison  with  other  industries 
shows  that  relatively  they  are  high.  The  wages  in  boot  and  shoe 
manufacturing  ranked  highest  of  the  large  manufacturing  industries 
in  1905,  with  32.6  per  cent  earning  $9  or  more.  Wholesale  millinery 
ranked  second  with  26.6  per  cent,  women's  clothing,  factory  product, 
21.7  per  cent,  men's  clothing  13.1  per  cent,  printing  and  publishing 
17.7  per  cent,  bookbinding  11.7  per  cent,  and  paper  boxes  8.7  per  cent 
earning  $9  or  more.1 

Wages  in  custom  and  factory  dressmaking  secured  from  local  pay 
rolls  are,  therefore,  much  better  than  those  reported  for  the  large 
manufacturing  industries.  Forty-nine  per  cent  of  the  custom  work- 
ers and  36.3  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers  earned  $9  or  more.  Fac- 
tory dressmaking  turning  out  a  high-class  product  shows  a  higher 
wage  standard  than  the  women's  clothing  trade  as  a  whole,  for  67.8 
per  cent  earned  less  than  $8  in  the  trade  as  a  whole  *as  compared 
with  47.1  per  cent  in  factory  dressmaking  in  Boston;  78.3  per  cent 
earned  less  than  $9  in  the  trade  as  a  whole,  while  63.7  per  cent 
earned  less  than  $9  in  the  Boston  dressmaking  factories.  Custom 
dressmaking  with  its  fine  product  requiring  skill  and  artistic  sense 
ranks  still  better,  only  33.1  per  cent  earning  less  than  $8,  and  50.6 
per  cent  less  than  $9. 

The  difference  in  opportunitj~  to  earn  a  good  wage  in  the  two 
branches  is  also  apparent;  35.6  per  cent  of  the  custom  as  compared 
with  22.3  per  cent  of  thejactory  workers  earned  $10  or  more;  17.9 
per  cent  of  the  custom  workers  as  compared  with  7  per  cent  of  the 
factory  workers  earned  $12  or  more.  Six  per  cent  of  the  custom 
workers  earned  more  than  $15,  2.1  per  cent  received  $20  or  more,  and 
1.4  per  cent,  $25  or  more. 

The  wage  scale  of  an  individual  shop  is  largely  determined  by  the 
character  of  its  trade  and  the  size  of  the  force.  Large  and  fashion- 
able shops  employ  more  expensive  help  than  is  needed  in  the  small 
shops.  In  shop  A,  employing  during  the  year  97  women,2  12.4  per 
cent  earned  $15  or  more;  10.3  per  cent,  $18  or  more,  and  4.1  per  cent, 

1  Special  Reports  of  the  Census  Office.    Manufactures,  Part  IV,  1905,  p.  732. 

8  According  to  Table  23,  pp.  89  and  90,  the  maximum  number  employed  in  shop  A  in  one  week  was  62. 


132 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUEEAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


$25  or  more,  while  in  shop  C,  employing  35,  but  one  woman  earned 
$25,  and  in  only  one  of  the  remaining  12  shops  was  $25  paid. 
Combining  the  large  shops  A  to  G,  each  employing  a  maximum  of  25 
or  more  workers,  and  the  small  shops  H  to  N,  each  employing  less, 
fairly  definite  wage  groups  appear. 

TABLE  45.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  WOMEN  16  YEARS  OF  AGE  AND  OVER 
WORKING  IN  LARGE  AND  SMALL  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING  AND  MANUFACTURING 
&HOPS  FOR  A  ONE-YEAR  PERIOD. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Classified  weekly  wages. 

Women  earning  classified  wages  in 
custom  shops. 

Women  earning  classified  wages  in 
manufacturing  shops. 

Large 
shops. 

Small 
shops. 

Total. 

Large 
shops. 

Small 
shops. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 

cent. 

SI  and  under  $5. 

31 
'   221 
112 
25 
2 
2 

3 
1 

7.7 
54.9 
27.9 
6-2 
.5 
.  5 
.8 
.3 
1.2 

15 
74 
43 
2 

1 

i  3 

10.5 
51.8 
30.0 
1.4 
.7 
2.1 

46 
295 
155 
27 
~3 
5 
3 

10 

8.5 
54.1 
28.4 
5.0 
-»-5 
.9 
.6 
.2 
1.8 

70 
255 
83 

6 

1 

16.8 
61.3 
20.0 
1.5 
.2 

70 
296 
95 
8 
1 

14.9 

62.8 
20.2 
1.7 
.2 

$5  and  under  $10 

41 
12 
2 

74.6 
21.8 
3.6 

$10  and  under  $15  

$15  and  under  $20 

$20  and  under  $25  

$25  and  under  $30  . 

$30  and  under  $35 

1 

0 

1 

.2 

?50  and  under  $60.  .'.  . 

Unclassified 

5 

3.5 

Total  

402   100.0 

143 

100.0 

545 

100.0 

416 

100.0 

55 

100.0 

471 

100.0 

i  The  $25  wage  is  abnormal  hi  the  small  shop  employing  less  than  25  workers.    These  three  were  tried 
out  in  one  year  in  one  shop  where  the  employer  did  not  personally  conduct  the  business. 

The  proportion,  more  than  one-half  earning  $5  to  $10,  and  one- 
fourth,  $10  to  $15,  is  approximately  the  same  in  both,  but  the  differ- 
ence appears  at  the  extremes.  Those  earning  $15  and  over  were  8.3  per 
cent  of  the  total  employed  in  the  large  shops  and  but  4.2  per  cent  in  the 
small,  while  they  constitute  7.2  per  cent  of  the  force  in  the  combined 
shops,  illustrating  the  influence  of  the  large  shops  in  the  returns  for 
the  trade.  As  the  other  extreme  the  $1  to  $5  workers  form  10.5  per 
cent  in  the  small  shops  and  7.7  per  cent  in  the  large  establishments. 
Most  of  the  low-wage  earners  are  young  learners,  18  to  20  years  old, 
who  can  be  profitably  employed  in  the  small  shops  where  they  work 
directly  under  and  with  their  employer. 

The  lower  wage  scale  of  the  small  shop  raises  the  question:  To 
what  extent  does  the  proportion  of  learners  explain  the  difference  ? 
Slightly  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  women  16  years  of  age  and 
over  employed  in  the  large  shops  were  earning  less  than  $8,  and  a 
little  more  than  one-fifth  of  these  were  under  18  years  pf  age.  Almost 
one-third  of  the  women  in  the  small  shops  earned  less  than  $8  and 
one-fifth  of  these  were  under  1 8  years  of  age.  The  lower  wage  scale 
of  the  small  shop  large  enough  to  keep  a  pay  roll,  therefore,  is  ex- 
plained by  the  class  of  work  and  type  of  product  rather  than  by  the 
immaturity  of  the  workers.  The  decline  of  the  small  shop  is  there- 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       133 


fore  a  dubious  misfortune,  for  the  large  shop,  in  spite  of  less  indi- 
vidualism and  greater  subdivision  of  labor,  does  not  necessarily,  as 
the  census  has  pointed  out,  mean  a  lower  wage  scale.1 

TABLE  46.— PROPORTION  OF  WORKERS  EARNING  LESS  THAN  S8,  AND  PROPORTION 
OF  THESE  UNDER  18  YEARS  OF  AGE,  BY  LARGE  AND  SMALL  SHOPS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Item. 

Large  shops. 

Small  shops. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Percent. 

402 

143 

Earning  under  $8  

115 

26 

28.6 
22.6 

45 
9 

31.5 
•     20.0 

Under  18  years  of  age  

While  the  worker  in  the  small  shop  completes  a  whole,  the  worker 
in  the  large  shop  completes  a  specific  part  and,  because  of  the  superior 
product,  an  even  higher  degree  of  efficiency  is  sometimes  required 
from  the  subordinate  workers,  while  the  increased  supervisory  force 
increases  the  wage  scale  greatly.  The  disappearance  of  the  small 
shop  with  its  opportunities  for  training  young  workers,  however,  is 
leaving  a  gap  in  the  industrial  world  which  should  be  bridged  by  such 
educational  agencies  as  are  necessary  to  equip  the  prospective 
workers. 

Since  the  occupation  signifies  a  fairly  definite  degree  and  type 
of  ability,  it  determines  to  a  large  degree  the  wage.  The  25  or  more 
occupations  in  the  dressmaking  trade  may  be  grouped  into  three 
classes — the  professional,  the  purely  industrial,  and  the  general 
service.  With  the  latter  may  be  inc  luded  tne  clerical  workers.  The 
professional  and  the  general  service  groups  constitute  the  extremes 
in  skill,  ability,  and  consequent  wage,  while  the  industrial  workers 
constitute  the  great  middle  class. 

The  industrial  class  comprises  the  plain  sewers  and  finishers, 
embroiderers,  collar  and  lining  makers,  machine  operators,  and 
pressers,  all  of  whom  need  manual  skill  primarily.  They  formed 
more  than  one-half  (55  per  cent)  of  the  600  custom  workers  and 
almost  two-thirds  (62.5  per  cent)  of  the  522  factory  workers  em- 
ployed during  1910-11  in  the  14  shops  and  two  factories  studied. 

The  professional  class  comprises  the  designers,  forewomen,  cutters, 
fitters,  shoppers,  tailors,  drapers,  and  makers,  who  stand  for  artistic 
sense,  creative  and  administrative  ability  in  addition  to  manual  skill 
and  constitute  somewhat  more  than  one-fourth  (29.8  per  cent)  of  the 
custom  but  only  15.9  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers.  The  general 
service  and  clerical  group  comprises  the  traveling  saleswomen,  models 
of  the  factory  branch,  office  force,  and  the  stock  and  errand  girls,  consti- 
tuting 7  per  cent  of  the  custom  and  4.8  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers. 

i  United  Stales  Census  of  Manufactures,  1905,  Pt.  IV.  p.  709. 


134 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    Of    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


The  industrial  group  and  the  unclassified  workers,  who  are  largely 
the  drifters  of  the  trade,  occupy  an  unduly  large  place  in  the  working 
force  for  a  one-year  period  because  of  their  shifting  and  instability. 
In  the  week  when  the  largest  number  was  employed  the  professional 
group  formed  33.8  per  cent  of  the  custom  and  21.9  per  cent  of  the 
factory  workers.  The  industrial  group  formed  53.3  per  cent  of  the 
custom  workers  as  compared  with  66  per  cent  of  the  factory  force. 
The  clerical  and  general  service  represented  about  the  same  propor- 
tion in  both,  6.1  per  cent  in  the  custom  trade  and  6.5  per  cent  in  the 
factory  branch.  The  unclassified  group  formed  6.9  per  cent  of  the 
custom  and  5.6  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers. 

The  following  table  shows  both  the  division  of  the  working  force 
among  these  three  groups  and  the  classified  weekly  wages  within 
each  group : 

TABLE  47.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  fiOO  CUSTOM  WORKERS,  BY  OCCUPATIONS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Occupation. 

Si 
and 
under 
15 

$5 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
under 
$15 

$15 
and 
under 

$20 

$20 
and 
under 

$25 

$25 
and 
under 
$30 

$30 
1  and 
undei 
$35 

$35 
and 
over. 

Un- 
classi- 
fied. 

Total. 

i  Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Professional. 
Cosigners  and  forewomen 

1 

18 

4 

1 
1 
1 

1 

§ 

36 
16 
4 

i 

•13 
35 

7 

11 

7 

1.0 

\    « 

1.2 
.1 

15.0 

!  i 

Tailors: 
Men  

2 
2 

6 
10 
3 
3 
1 

MO 
23 

5 

6 
5 
1 

6 
3 

' 

2 

Women 

Cutters  

Fitters 

3 

1      11 

Shoppers  

Drapers: 
Waists 

1 
3 
1 

5 
2 

6 
6 
1 

1 

1 

Skirts  

2 

Sleeves  

Maters: 
Waists  

Skirts   ... 

Sleeves  

1 

Total  

| 

16 

103 

25 

---.  :      — 

3 

21 

7  ;     4  ;     3 

^.=1 

179 

29.8 

1      50.2 

1.3 
.2 
1.3 

1.8 
.2 

Industrial. 

Finishers: 
Waists  

12 
5 
1 
22 

80 
74  . 
9 
60 
6 
1 
6 
6 
1 

18 
12 

113 
91 
10 

87 
8 

8 
11 

1 

Skirts  

j 

Sleeves 

' 

Finishers  and  plain  sewers 
Embroiderers  

4 

2 

1 

, 

1 

Collar  makers  

1  . 



Lining  makers  

1 

M 

5 

• 



Machine  operators 

j 

Pressers 

I 

Total  

41 

243 

3 

8 

42 

1  .    '            ~ 

4 
2 

3 

.-,--.  -__u-— 

4 

<  1 

i 

1 

330 

11 
31 

55.0 

1.8 
5.2 

Clerical  and  general  sen  ice. 
Office  

-    •  



1 

Stock  and  errand  girls  

19 

1 

Total 

aj 

11  |        6 
29  1       10 

5 

I 

1 

42 
4<T 

7.0 

•  -•.  "-     -• 

8.2 

Unclassified  

! 

H 

1 

8 

Grand  total- 

Cl  1    299  1     161  1      34 

21 

7 

4 

3 

10 

600 

100.0 

i  Head  fitter.     2  Occupation  not  definitely  specified,  3.      U  lead  of  linings.     *  Head  of  stock. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       135 


It  appears  from  this  that  the  workers  in  each  division  of  the  custom 
force  show  a  characteristic  earning  capacity.  Almost  three-fourths 
(73 . 7  per  cent)  of  the  industrial  workers  came  within  the  $5  to  $  1 0  group, 
a  similar  proportion,  71.5  per  cent,  of  the  prof essional  group  earned 
from  $10  to  $20,  and  nearly  one-half  of  the  general  and  clerical  work- 
ers earned  under  $5.  The  workers  of  the  professional  group  comprise 
the  widest  range  of  occupations,  ability,  and  wage,  for  above  the  mak- 
ers and  drapers,  who  constitute  the  majority  and  congregate  within 
the  $10  to  $15  group,  are  the  designers  and  forewomen,  tailors,  cut- 
ters, and  fitters,  44.9  per  cent  of  whom  earn  $20  or  more,  and  at  the  top 
appear  a  few  heads  and  experts  earning  from  $30  to  $50  a  week.  In 
the  clerical  and  general  service  group  at  the  one  extreme  are  the 
young  errand  girls  earning  less  than  $5,  and  at  the  other  the  $15  book- 
keeper and  $18  head  of  stock  in  the  large  commercialized  shop. 

Much  greater  standardization  of  wage,  work,  and  workers  appears  in 
the  factory  trade,  as  already  noted;  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  working 
force  are  industrial  workers  and  need  manual  skill  primarily.  More 
than  three-fourths  of  the  workers  in  each  of  the  three  groups  come 
within  the  $5  to  $15  group.  Power-machine  operators  and  finishers 
or  plain  sewers  constituted  more  than  one-half  the  working  force; 
but  13.2  per  cent  of  the  women  were  drapers  and  designers  and  fore- 
women typifying  artistic  skill  or  administrative  ability,  and  few  even 
of  these  exceeded  $15.  The  new  opportunity  for  women  appears  in 
the  clerical  and  general  service  group,  in  the  models  earning  from  $10 
to  $15,  and  the  traveling  saleswomen  from  $15  to  $20. 

TABLE  48.-€LASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES    OF   522   FACTORY  WORKERS/  BY  OCCUPA- 
TIONS. 
[Based  on  pay  rolls.) 


Occupation. 

$1 
and 
under 
$5 

$5 

and 
tinder 
$10 

$10 
and 

under 
$15 

$15 
and 
under 
$20 

$20 
and 
under 
$25 

$25 
and 
under 
$30 

$30 
and 
under 
$35 

$35 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Professional. 
Designers  and  foremen 

3 

3 

8 
11 

45 
16 

}    » 

-2.1 
}      11.7 

Designers  and  forewomen 

1 
3 

20 
4 

2 
1 

24 

10 

3 
5 

1 

i 

1 

1 

Oiittftfs   n\&n 

i 

Drapers: 
Waists 

Skirts 

2 

Total  

j 

i 

2 

28 

37 

9 

_i 

^ 

2 

3 

83 

15.9 

Industrial. 

48 
I 

105 
=  81 

153 
'114 
3 
6 
29 
2 

5 
14 

29.3 
1      23.6 

5.6 
.4 

}        3.6 

32 
3 
4 

Sample  makers 

' 

Tuckers 

2 
5 

1 

1 
6 



Pieceworkers 

24 

Examiners 

1 

2 
6 

Pressers: 
Men 

2 
2 

Women 

i 

Total                          .... 

., 

73 

201 

48 

4 

326 

62.5 

i 

1  Of  the  professional  group.  78.3  per  cent  earn  from  $5  to  $15;  of  the  industrial  group,  76.4  per  cent  earn 
from  $5  to  $15;  and  of  the  clerical  and  general  service  group,  76  per  cent  earn  from  $5  to  S15. 
»  One  man. 


136 


BULLETIN   OF   THE  BUREAU   OF   LABOR  STATISTICS. 


TABLE  48.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  522  FACTORY  WORKERS,  BY  OCCUPA- 
TION S-Concluded. 


Occupation. 

SI 
and 
under 
$5 

$5 

and 
under 
$10 

$10 

and 
under 
$15 

$15 

and 
under 

$20 

$20 
and 
under 

$25 

$25 
and 
under 
$30 

$.30 
and 
under 
$35 

$35 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Clerical  and  general  stnice. 

1 

1 
6 
5 
12 

1 

.2 
1.1 
1.0 
2.3 
.2 

Models 

6 

Office                             

18 

3 

1 

4 

Shippers  men.  .  .  •.  

1 

Total 

r~" 

4 
15 

9 
69~ 

10 

4 

2 

.   I 

25 

88~ 

4.8 

Unclassified 

!  

.    I        ... 

== 

= 

leTa 

Grand  total 

1 

94 

307 

99 

15 

2 

2 

3 

522 

100.0 

1  One  boy. 

But  the  significance  of  the  weekly  wage  in  a  skilled  trade  like  dress- 
making must  be  interpreted  by  two  important  factors  which  largely 
determine  it,  age  and  experience. 

Since  the  value  of  the  worker  is  dependent  on  "common  sense," 
as  the  dressmakers  phrase  it,  and  on  the  manual  skill  accompanying 
maturity,  the  wage  is  to  a  certain  extent  determined  by  age.  The 
young  worker  under  18  has  a  very  small  place  in  the  trade,  consti- 
tuting but  8.5  per  cent  of  the  600  custom  workers  studied  from  pay 
rolls.  Table  49  shows  the  weekly  wages  of  95  workers  under  18. 
Approximately,  two-thirds  of  the  14  to  16  year  old  girls  earned  less 
than  $5  as  compared  with  one-fourth  of  those  from  16  to  18  years; 
45.6  percent  of  those  16  to  18  years  old  earned  less  than  $6  as  com- 
pared with  about  the  same  proportion,  40.7  per  cent,  of  the  14  to 
16  year  group  who  earned  less  than  $4.  Practically  the  same  pro- 
portion earned  less  than  $8  and  none  earned  $9. 

TABLE  49.— CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES   OF  WORKERS,  BY   TWO  CLASSIFIED  AGE 

GROUPS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls  and  personal  interviews.] 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Workers  14  and  un- 
der 16  years. 

Workers  16  and  under 
18  years. 

Number. 

Cumula- 
tive per 
cent. 

Number. 

Cumula- 
tive per 
cent. 

Under  $2,  
Under  $3    

1 
4 
11 
17 
19 
25 
26 
27 

3.7 
14.8 
40.7 
63.0 
70.4 
92.6 
96.3 
100.0 

1 

4 
9 
19 
31 
56 
65 
68 

1.5 
5.9 
13.2 
27.9 
45.6 
83.8 
95.6 
100.0 

Under  $4  
Under  $5    

Under  $6 

Under  $7  

Under  $8    .... 

Under  $9 

DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        137 


Two  of  the  200  workers  personally  interviewed  were  under  16,  one 
earning  $5  and  one  $6  a  week  as  finishers.  The  one  receiving  $5 
had  attended  the  Boston  Trade  School  and  the  one  receiving  $6 
had  gained  experience  sewing  at  home  for  younger  brothers  and 
sisters  and  at  public  night  school,  so  both  had  been  able  to  enter  the 
shop  as  sewers,  which  is  unusual  for  girls  of  this  age. 

While  it  was  impossible  to  secure  the  ages  of  all  the  older  workers 
studied  on  pay  rolls,  the  women  of  16  to  20  years  constituted  31.5  per 
cent  of  the  200  personally  visited,  and  93.7  per  cent  of  these  earned 
less  than  $9.  Almost  one-half  (49.5  per  cent)  of  the  200  workers 
visited  were  under  22  years  of  age  and  just  two-thirds  (66.7  per  cent) 
of  this  group  earned  less  than  $8,  while  but  9.9  per  cent  of  the  women 
22  or  more  years  of  age  earned  less  than  this  minimum.  To  what 
extent  the  large  proportion  in  the  low-wage  group  may  be  explained 
by  youth  and  immaturity  it  is  impossible  to  say,  because  of  lack  of 
official  statistics.  Observation  in  Boston,  Glasgow,  and  Paris,  how- 
ever, confirms  the  belief  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  regular  work- 
ing force  in  the  shops  is  made  up  of  comparatively  young  women. 

Up  to  35  years  the  workers  show  in  general  a  tendency  to  advance- 
ment hi  wage.  The  age  of  35  represents  the  climax  of  opportunity 
in  the  trade.  Those  who  have  the  capacity  for  leadership  have  been 
discovered  and  brought  to  the  front.  Those  who  have  not  reached 
success  before  this  will  probably  not  advance  much  beyond  the 
position  they  then  hold. 

TABLE  5O.— AGE   GROUPS  OF  WORKERS,  BY  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Age  group. 

Number  of  workers  earning  — 

Un- 
der 
$5 

$5 
and 
un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
un- 
der 
$7 

and 
un- 
der 

$8 

$8 
and 
tin- 
der 
$9 

$9 
and 
un- 
der 
$10 

$10 
and 
un- 
der 
$12 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

$15 
and 
un- 
der 
$18 

$18 
and 
un- 
der 
$20 

$20 
and 
un- 
der 
$25 

$25 
and 
over. 

Oth- 
ers.1 

To- 
tal. 

U  nder  16  years  

6 

1 
9 

2 
23 
40 
34 
21 
23 
20 
20 
12 
3 
2 

16  and  under  18  years  

2 

4 

2 

18  and  under  20  years  

4 

1 

20 
6 

••«-•»• 

1 

5 
7 

6 
6 
4 

1 

1 

2 

1 
1 
2 
2 
5 
3 

20  and  under  22  years 

7~ 
1 
3 
2 
5 

3 

mm^fsam 

6 
1 

3 

? 

i 
i 

2 

22  and  under  25  years  

1 

25  and  under  30  years  

2 
1 

5 
2 
3 
2 
1 

1 

1 

30  and  under  35  years  

3 
5 
3 

3 

1 

4 

35  and  under  40  years 

1 

1 

40  and  under  45  years 

3 

45  and  under  50  years 

I 

50  years  and  over           

1 

1 

Total  

fl 

9 

37 

24 

21 

22 

17 

19 

15 

5 

2 

6 

17 

200 

1  Independents,  pieceworkers,  and  drifters. 


138 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF   LABOR    STATISTICS. 


The  wage  groups,  therefore,  have  a  fairly  definite  personnel.  The 
less  than  $7  group  is  distinctly  the  zone  of  the  young  worker  who 
is  under  the  age  of  20.  The  $7  and  less  than  $10  group  includes 
workers  of  all  ages  from  the  young  girl  under  18  to  the  woman  over  50, 
because  it  represents  only  mediocre  manual  skill.  The  $10  and  less 
than  $15  group  and  the  $15  and  under  $18  group  show  workers  of 
a  higher  degree  of  artistic  and  creative  ability,  excluding  the  very 
young  and  including  some  women  in  the  forties  who  have  reached 
this  stage  earlier  in  their  career  but  never  advanced  beyond  it. 
The  $18  and  over  wage  group  contains  the  artists,  administrators, 
and  creators,  and  consists  for  the  most  part  of  women  of  25  to  40, 
excluding  both  young  and  old.  Two  classes  at  the  extremes — 
those  earning  less  than  $5  and  those  earning  over  $18 — are  clear- 
cut  types,  the  former  comprising  the  young  learner  and  the  latter 
the  expert;  the  $7  to  $10  group  at  the  center  is  a  motley  collection 
of  all  ages,  the  workers  here  possessing  but  mediocre  skill. 

The  length  of  experience  as  well  as  age  determines  the  value  and 
earning  capacity  of  the  worker,  since  the  dressmaking  trade  requires 
training  of  the  eye  and  hand  and  development  of  skill  and  taste. 
The  wage  increases  with  experience  up  to  15  years  in  the  trade, 
after  which  the  relation  becomes  decreasingly  apparent.  Ten  years 
or  more  seems  to  be  necessary  to  place  the  worker  within  the  pro- 
fessional group  earning  $15  or  more,  but  in  five  years  she  should  be 
earning  a  living  wage  of  $9  or  more. 

TABLE  51.— RELATION    OF   EXPERIENCE   TO   WEEKLY  WAGES. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Years  of  experience. 

Number  of  workers  earning  weekly— 

Un- 
der 

$4 

$4 
and 
un- 
der 

$5 

$5 
and 
un- 
der 

$G 

$6 
and 
un- 
der 

$7 

$7 
and 
un- 
der 

$8 

$8 
and 
un- 
der 

$9 

$9 
and 
un- 
der 
$10 

$10 
and 
un- 
der 

$12 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

S15 
and 
un- 
der 

$18 

$18 
and 
un- 
der 

$20 

$20 
and 
un- 
der 
$25 

$25 
and 
over. 

Oth- 
ers. 

To- 

tal. 

17 
31 
24 
23 
11 
11 
7 
6 
6 
5 
18 
21 
17 
3 

Under  1  year  

1 

3 

3 
5 

«MMM 

1 

8 
14 
10 
3 
2 

m^m*m 

2 

2 
8 
4 
2 
3 

amtmHm 

1  and  under  2  years  
2  and  under  3  years  .  . 

2 

4 
3 
5 
2 
2 
3 
1 

mimamm 

2 

1 

1 

2 

3  and  under  4  years  

5 
1 
4 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 

1 

mm^^m 

4 

2 

3 

4  and  under  5  years 

5  and  under  6  years  .  .  . 

<T 

6  and  under  7  years  

2 
1 
2 
1 
3 

1 
1 
1 

3 
3 
3 
2 

7  and  under  8  years 

2 

1 

1 

8  and  under  9  years  

9  and  under  10  years.  .  . 

10  and  under  15  years 

1 

3. 
4 
4 
1 

1 

2 
2 

2 

5 

2 

4 
6 

15  and  under  20  years.  . 

1 

20  y  oars  and  over  . 

1 

1 

1 

22 

1 

Unclassified  

21 

Total 

37 

24 

15 

1 

5 

9 

17 

19 

5 

2 

6 

17 

200 

DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       139 


The  wage  group  of  less  than  $7,  therefore,  is  primarily  the  zone 
of  the  young  worker  under  20  years  of  age  and  with  less  than  5 
years'  experience.  The  $7  and  less  than  $10  group  includes  not 
only  young  and  old  but  women  with  a  working  experience  ranging 
from  1  year  or  less  to  20  years  and  more.  The  experts  earning  $18 
or  more  are,  in  the  main,  women  25  to  40  years  of  age  with  a  working 
experience  of  10  but  less  than  20  years. 

;  But  the  weekly  wage  by  no  means  gives  a  true  insight  into  the 
actual  weekly  earnings,  for  days  lost  cause  a  surprising  reduction 
of  the  nominal  weekly  wage.  Holidays,  of  which  there  are  nine  in 
Massachusetts,  and  occasional  days  lost  for  illness  or  personal  rea- 
sons reduce  the  earnings,  for  the  workers  are  paid  for  actual  service 
only.  Deduction  for  tardiness  is  made  in  two  custom  shops  where 
time  clocks  have  been  installed,  but  this  is  unusual.1 

The  irregularity  of  work  and  consequent  varia-tion  between  the 
nominal  wage  and  actual  earnings  differ  with  different  workers  and 
different  shops.  The  following  table  shows  the  extent  to  which  the 
workers  in  one  shop  are  affected  by  such  irregularity : 

TABLE  52.— OCCUPATION,  WAGE,  AND  PROPORTION'  OF  FULL  WEEKS  OF  SIX  DAYS 
EACH  FOR  ALL  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  39  OR  MORE  WEEKS  IN  SHOP  "A"  DURING 
WORKING  SEASON. 

[Based  on  pay  roll.) 


Occupation. 

Nominal 
weekly 
wage. 

Total 
number 
weeks 
worked. 

Number 
full  weeks 
of  6  days 
each. 

Number 
part  weeks 
of  less  than 
6  days. 

Head  skirt  draper. 
Waist  draper  
Head  tailor  

$18 
9 
30 

50 
50 
49 

11 
30 
41 

39 
20 

8 

Clerical 

g 

48 

15 

33 

Head  fitter  

30 

46 

37 

9 

Fitter  

18 

44 

30 

14 

Fitter  and  cutter.  . 
Shopper  

25 
12 

43 
43 

34 
29 

9 
14 

Embroiderer  
Sleeve  draper  
Waist  draper  
Tailor  

10 
14 
16 
21 

43 
42 
41 
40 

28 
22 
25 

22 

15 
20 
16 
18 

Waist  finisher  

5 

39 

7 

32 

The  head  skirt  draper  on  $18  a  week  had  only  1 1  full  weeks  of  6  days 
each  and  consequently  received  her  nominal  wage  of  $18  for  only  this 
number  out  of  a  working  season  of  50  weeks.  The  waist  finisher  on 
$5  a  week  received  that  sum  for  but  7  out  of  the  39  weeks  in  the  shop. 
The  head  tailor  and  head  fitter  on  $30  a  week  do  not  suffer  deduction, 
however,  for  occasional  days  lost,  since  those  earning  more  than  $25 
are  usually  on  a  professional  basis.  In  general,  the  well-paid  work- 
ers seem  to  lose  less  time  from  short  absences ;  this  may  be  partially 
due  to  their  sense  of  responsibility  as  well  as  to  better  conditions. 
Employers  frequently  complain  of  the  irresponsibility  of  many  work- 
ers who  stay  out  for  all  sorts  of  reasons,  greatly  handicapping  those 
in  the  shop.  Whatever  is  the  cause,  100  people  working  40  to  45 

i  The  various  causes  of  reduction  of  the  income  of  workers  in  other  industries  are  discussed  iu  The 
Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,  by  M.  Louise  Bosworth,  pp.  33-39. 


140 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


weeks  had  a  median  number  of  only  30  full  weeks  of  6  days  and  con- 
sequently only  30  full  weeks'  pay. 

TABLE  53.— PROPORTION    OF    WEEKS    NOT    BROKEN    BY    SHORT    ABSENCES,   IN   A 

50-WEEK  PERIOD,  FOR  600  CUSTOM  WORKERS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Number  of 

Median 

Weeks  worked. 

persons 
working 
specified 

number 
full  weeks 
of  6  days 

weeks. 

worked. 

50  weeks       

2 

20 

45  and  under  50  weeks  

29 

37 

40  and  under  45  weeks  . 

100 

30 

35  and  under  40  weeks  

53 

23 

30  and  under  35  weeks. 

35 

22 

25  and  under  30  weeks  

32 

15 

20  and  under  25  weeks  . 

17 

13 

15  and  under  20  weeks  

39 

10 

10  and  under  15  weeks 

55 

7 

5  and  under  10  weeks  

85 

3 

1.  and  under  4  weeks. 

151 

Unclassified 

2 

Total  

600 

The  number  of  full  weeks  with  full  pay  ranges  from  one-half  to 
three-fourths  of  the  number  of  weeks  worked  by  600  custom  workers. 

The  actual  earnings  of  the  workers  are,  therefore,  much  lower  than 
the  nominal  weekly  wage.  Taking  the  more  stable  group  employed 
25  or  more  weeks  in  a  single  shop  as  a  basis,  the  following  table  shows 
the  relation  between  the  nominal  and  the  actual  wages : 

TABLE  54.— NOMINAL  AND  ACTUAL  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  250  CUSTOM  AND  139 

FACTORY  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  25  OR  MORE  WEEKS  IN  ONE  SHOP.* 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Classified  weekly  wages. 

Workers  in  custom  shops. 

Workers  in  factories. 

Nominal  wages. 

Actual  average 
wages.2 

Nominal  wages. 

Actual  average 
wages.2 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Under  $5  .. 

14 
21 
39 
60 
101 
127 
149 
123 
74 
34 
21 

•  5.6 
8.4 
15.6 
24.0 
40.4 
50.8 
59.6 
49.2 
29.6 
13.6 
8.4 

28 
44 
69 
115 
139 
169 
111 
81 
47 
24 
15 

11.2 
17.6 
27.6 
46.0 
55.6 
67.6 
44.4 
32.4 
18.8 
9.6 
6.0 

5 
7 
14 
20 
42 
70 
97 
69 
31 
13 
8 

3.6 
5.0 
10.1 
14.4 
30.2 
50.4 
69.8 
49.6 
22.3 
9.4 
5.8 

10 
19 
36 
70 
99 
112 
40 
25 
13 
7 
2 

7.2 
13.7 
25.9 
50.4 
71.2 
80.6 
28.8 
17.9 
9.4 
5.0 
1.4 

Under  $6  

Under  $7  

Under  $8 

Under  $9  

Under  $10 

$9  and  over  

$10  and  over 

$12  and  over 

$15  and  over  

$18  and  over 

1  The  250  custom  workers  include  9  men,  none  receiving  less  than  $9,  and  5  children  under  16,  four  of 
whom  earned  less  than  $5,  and  the  139  factory  workers  include  8  men,  none  earning  less  than  $12. 

2  Actual  average  weekly  wages  are  based  on  total  income  of  those  working  25  weeks  or  more  divided  by 
the  number  of  weeks  worked. 

Among  the  custom  workers  40.4  per  cent  nominally  received  less 
than  $9,  but  actually  the  average  weekly  earnings  of  55.6  per  cent 
fell  below  $9.  Almost  one-half  (49.2  per  cent)  received  a  nominal 
wage  of  $10  or  more,  though  but  32.4  per  cent  actually  earned  this 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       141 


amount.  The  loss  is  much  heavier,  however,  in  the  factory  group. 
Of  the  139  employed  25  or  more  weeks  in  one  shop,  30.2  received  a 
nominal  wage  of  less  than  $9,  while  the  actual  average  earnings  of 
71.2  per  cent  fell  below  this  minimum;  49.6  per  cent  received  a  nominal 
wage  of  $10  or  more,  but  the  actual  average  weekly  earnings  of  only 
17.9  per  cent  reached  or  passed  $10. 

The  cumulative  loss  of  earnings  due  to  short  absences  of  less  than 
one  week  for  250  custom  workers  and  139  factory  workers  employed 
25  weeks  or  more  in  a  single  shop  was  considerable. 

TABLE  55.— PERCENTAGE  OF  REDUCTION  OF  NOMINAL  INCOME  CAUSED  BY  SHORT 
ABSENCES  FOR  250  CUSTOM  AND  139  FACTORY  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  25  OR  MORE 
WEEKS  IN  A  SPECIFIED  SHOP,  BY  TYPES  OF  DRESSMAKING. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Types  of  dressmaking. 

Percentage  ol  loss. 

Median. 

Upper 
quart  ile. 

Lower 
quart  ile. 

Average. 

Custom  dressmaking  
Factory  dressmaking  

8.7 
13.6 

13.2 
17.1 

6.3 

10.7 

10.5 
14.0 

The  median  loss  for  custom  workers  was  8.7  per  cent  and  for  factory 
workers  13.6  per  cent;  the  average  loss  10.5  per  cent  for  custom  and 
14  per  cent  for  factory  workers.  For  56  per  cent  of  these  custom 
workers,  the  reduction  of  nominal  income  amounted  to  less  than  10 
per  cent,  and  for  59  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers  to  less  than  15 
per  cent.  Therefore,  if  we  desire  to  estimate  the  actual  earnings  of 
the  workers  and  have  not  access  to  pay  rolls,  the  nominal  income  of 
custom  workers  may  be  reduced  about  10  per  cent  and  of  factory 
workers  14  per  cent  for  short  absences  alone. 

While  the  percentage  of  loss  varies  with  different  types  of  shops, 
it  also  varies  with  different  types  of  workers.  In  custom  dressmaking 
the  percentage  of  loss  from  short  absences  decreases  with  increasing 
wage,  ranging  from  11.8  per  cent  for  the  workers  earning  less  than 
$5  to  6.3  per  cent  for  the  women  earning  $15  and  over,  and  in  factory 
dressmaking  from  14.4  per  cent  for  the  workers  earning  $5  and  under 
$10  to  7.4  per  cent  for  those  earning  $15  or  more. 

TABLE  56.— PERCENTAGE  OF  REDUCTION  OF  NOMINAL  INCOME  CAUSED  BY  SHORT 
ABSENCES  FOR  250  CUSTOM  AND  139  FACTORY  WORKERS  EMPLOYED  25  OR  MORE 
WEEKS  IN  A  SPECIFIED  SHOP,  BY  WAGE  GROUPS. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Custom  shops. 


Manufacturing  shops. 


Classified  weekly  wages. 

Median. 

Lower 
quartile. 

Upper 
quartile. 

Median. 

Lower 
quartile. 

Upper 
quartile. 

Under  $5 

11  8 

7  3 

23  5 

13  7 

12  6 

14  4 

§5,  and  under  $10  

10.1 

6.7 

14.0 

14.4 

11.9 

18.4 

$10  and  under  $15.  . 

8.5 

6  6 

12  4 

19  8 

10  7 

17.1 

$15  and  over  

6.3 

3.1 

10.4 

7.4 

3.0 

10.4 

Total 

8  7 

6  3 

13  2 

13  6 

10  7 

17.1 

142 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


Two  factors,  therefore,  deduction  for  short  absences  and  loss  from 
slack  season,  modify  the  actual  earnings  of  the  worker.  The  former 
can  not  possibly  bo  determined  from  any  source  but  the  pay-roll 
records,  since  the  workers  can  not  remember.  The  latter  can  not 
be  accurate!}^  determined  from  this  source,  since  the  worker  often  fills 
•in  her  time  in  several  shops. 

The  annual  income  for  employees  from  tne  shop  therefore  can  not 
be  computed  without  danger  of  misleading  returns,  but  the  total 
earnings  for  workers  employed  40  weeks  or  more  in  a  single  shop  are 
presented  as  suggestive.  Two  of  the  14  custom  shops  had  a  shorter 
trade  year  than  40  weeks,  and  all  their  workers  must  be  excluded 
from  the  following  table  showing  the  classification  by  total  income. 
Only  22.9  per  cent  (125)  of  the  545  women  16  years  and  over  in  custom 
dressmaking,  and  14.2  per  cent  (71)  of  the  500  women  in  factory 
dressmaking,  therefore,  are  considered  from  this  standpoint  of  annual 
income. 

TABLE  57.— ACTUAL  INCOME  OF  125  WOMEN  16  YEARS  OF  AGE  AND  OVER  IX  12  CUSTOM 
SHOPS  AND  71  IN  2  MANUFACTURING  SHOPS  WORKING  40  WEEKS  AND  OVER. 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Classified  annual  earnings. 

Workers  in  custom 
siiops. 

Workers  in  manufac- 
turing shops. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

P<?r  cent. 

Under  $200.  .  . 

6 
13 

28 
52 
68 
82 
96 
29 
21 
14 
11 
9 

4.S 
10.4 
22.4 
41.6 
54.  4 
65.6 
76.8 
23.2 
16.8 
11.2 
8.8 
7.2 

4 
6 

12 
21 

:->.-> 
51 

be 

13 
8 
5 

5.6 
8.5 
16.9 
29.6 
49.3 
71.8 
81.7 
IS.  3 
11.3 
7.0 

Under  8250 

Under  $300  

Under  $350 

Under  $400  

Under  $450 

Under  S500  
$600  and  over 

$560  and  over  
$600  and  over 

$650  and  over  
$700  and  over  . 

$750  and  over  

4 

5.6 

$800  and  over 

7 

5.6 

$850  and  over 

1      ;                1.4 

$900  and  over  
$950  and  over 

4"6 

$1,000  and  over  

4 

3  5 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  are  the  favored  group  whose 
earnings  are  necessarily  higher  than  the  earnings  of  those  who  must 
drift  from  shop  to  shop  to  piece  out  their  income  for  the  year.  If 
$450  is  accepted  as  the  minimum  annual  income  on  which  a  woman 
can  live,  65.6  per  cent  of  the  custom  workers  and  71.8  per  cent  of  the 
factory  workers  were  not  earning  a  living  wage.  If  $400  is  accepted 
as  a  possible  minimum,  54.4  per  cent  of  the  custom  workers  and  49.3 
per  cent  of  the  factory  workers  are  not  self-supporting.  Three- 
fourths  of  the  custom  and  four-fifths  of  the  factory  dressmakers  studied 
in  Boston  earned  less  than  $500.  The  average  total  income  of  the 
women  working  40  weeks  or  more  in  a  single  custom  dressmaking 
shop  was  $439.82,  and  for  the  workers  in  factory  dressmaking  $405.23. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       143 

The  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission  reports  show  that 
the  wage  scale  of  other  large  women-employing  industries  is  still 
lower;  83.4  per  cent  of  the  "regulars"  employed  in  stores  earned 
less  than  $450;  88.9  per  cent  in  paper-box  factories,  91.5  per  cent  in 
hosiery  and  knit  goods,  and  93.5  per  cent  in  laundries  earned  an 
annual  income  of  less  than  $450. l 

The  regular  or  stable  workers  in  the  dressmaking  shop  seem  to  have 
a  fairly  definite  season  and  income  on  which  they  can  depend  from 
year  to  year.  The  following  table  shows  the  working  season  of  22 
workers  employed  40  weeks  or  more  for  two  consecutive  years  in 
shop  B: 

TABLE  58.— ANNUAL  INCOME  OF  22  WOMEN,  16  YEARS  OF  AGE  AND  OVER,  EMPLOYED 
40  OB   MORE   WEEKS  IN  2  CONSECUTIVE   YEARS  IN  SHOP  "  B." 

[Based  on  pay  rolls.] 


Case 
No. 

1909-10 

1910-11 

Increase  or 
decrease  in 
income. 

Increase 
or  de- 
crease in 
weeks 
worked. 

Income  for 
year. 

Weeks 
worked. 

Income  for 
year. 

Weeks 

worked. 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

$1,241.33 
830.33 
624.66 
623.00 
622.65 
613.73 
587.12 
567.26 
481.37 
470.00 
437.86 
418.43 
414.20 
410.  42 
405.27 
344.97 
316.56 
287.20 
278.67 
273.76 
253.23 
211.18 

4.5 
43 
43 
45 
44 
44 
44 
43 
43 
42 
42 
42 
43 
42 
43 
43 
41 
45 
42 
45 
42 
43 

$1,308.67 
968.34 
630.88 
665.00 
644.81 
563.25 
634.16 
546.  62 
571.44 
487.56 
432.  13 
448.03 
450.69 
463.26 
479.  17 
392.06 
327.76 
299.60 
332.60 
342.28 
299.33 
288.90 

46 
43 
44 
46 
43 
40 
44 
41 
44 
43 
41 
43 
44 
41 
46 
43 
40 
43 
42 
45 
41 
45 

+$67.34 
+  128.01 
+    6.22 
+  42.00 
+  22.16 
-  50.48 
+  47.04 
-  20.64 
+  90.07 
+  17.56 
—    5.73 
+  29.60 
+  36.49 
+  52.84 
+  73.90 
+  47.09 
+  11.20 
+  12.40 
+  53.93 
+  68.52 
+  46.10 
+  77.72 

+  1 

"~+"i" 

+1 
-1 

-4 

-2 

+  1 
+1 

+  1 
+  1 
-1 
+3 

-i 

-2 

-1 

+2 

It  appears  that  the  number  of  weeks  worked  varied  very  little, 
though  all  but  two  of  the  workers  showed  a  higher  income  in  1910-11 
than  in  1909-10  because  of  increase  in  salary. 

The  loss  of  wage  for  holidays  and  occasional  days  off  usually  can  not 
be  made  up  by  the  employee,  except  by  sewing  for  friends,  but  the 
loss  from  time  laid  off  is  met  by  some  through  secondary  employ- 
ments. 

Almost  one-fourth,  43  of  the  200  workers  visited,  found  other 
employment  during  the  dull  season.  The  wage,  season,  and  age 
determine  not  only  whether  the  worker  resorts  to  a  secondary  employ- 
ment but  also  the  kind  she  takes  up. 

Only  one  of  the  six  workers  earning  $1  to  $5  per  week  found  other 
work,  because  they  were  young  and  immature  and  because  their  par- 


1  Massachusetts,  Reports  of  the  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  1914  and  1915. 


144 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 


ents  were  unwilling  for  them  to  leave  the  paternal  roof  for  work  out- 
side the  city.  On  the  other  hand,  not  one  receiving  more  than  $15 
was  found  seeking  other  work.  Such  a  woman  is  usually  able  to  take 
the  much-needed  rest.  The  pay-roll  record  of  the  workers  in  the  two 
extreme  wage  groups,  those  receiving  under  $5  and  those  receiving 
$15  or  over,  may,  therefore,  be  generally  regarded  as  the  actual  income 
of  these  workers.  None  of  the  girls  under  17  sought  other  work 
because  they  were  not  yet  dependent  on  their  earnings,  but  gave 
their  services  to  the  family  during  the  vacations.  One-half  of  those 
resorting  to  secondary  employment  earned  from  $6  to  $8,  were  from 
17  to  22  years  of  age,  and  had  a  working  season  of  8  or  9  months. 
The  following  table  shows  the  occupations  to  which  the  43  workers 
mentioned  resorted  during  the  dull  season  in  their  regular  trade: 

TABLE  59.— SECONDARY  EMPLOYMENTS  REPORTED  BY  43  WORKERS. 
[Based  on  personal  interviews.] 


Secondary  employments. 

Number  of 
workers. 

Bookkeeper 

1 

Booth  tender  

1 

Child's  nurse 

4 

Clerk....'  

1 

Embroiderer.     .             . 

1 

Manicuring 

1 

Machine  operator            

Sewing 

24 

Straw  machine  operator  
Waitress.    .    . 

1 
6 

Odd  jobs 

2 

It  will  be  noticed  that  three  occupations,  sewing  by  the  day  or  at 
home  for  friends,  serving  as  waitress,  and  acting  as  child's  nurse,  are 
the  most  common.  Age  and  maturity  determine  to  a  certain  extent 
the  kind  of  secondary  employment  the  girl  takes  up.  Acting  as 
child's  nurse  is  a  young  girl's  employment,  none  over  19  resorting  to 
it.  Waitress  work  is  the  resort  of  the  stronger  and  more  mature 
woman,  none  under  25  reporting  this  for  secondary  employment. 
The  older  woman  over  30  who  has  not  sufficient  skill  to  secure  sewing 
from  friends  or  neighbors  must  resort  to  "odd  jobs."  But  the  girl 
who  sews  has  a  trade  which  she  can  always  utilize  at  spare  moments,1 
and  there  are  few  girls  who  do  not  have  acquaintances,  friends,  or 
relatives  who  are  wanting  clothes  made  at  the  first  spare  moment. 
"Oh,  I  don't  mind  being  laid  off,"  said  a  skirt  girl  earning  $11  a  week, 
"I  always  have  friends  and  relatives  waiting  for  me  to  make  up  their 
clothes.  Sometimes  I  make  as  much  as  $25  a  week  sewing  in  vacation." 
A  girl  of  18  who  had  been  in  the  trade  only  one  and  one-quarter  years 

1  Great  Britain,  Royal  Commission  on  Labor.  Conditions  of  Work  in  Liverpool  and  Manchester.  (1906), 
by  Clara  E.  Collet.  Miss  Collet  discovered  in  Liverpool  and  Manchester  that  "Many  girls  took  in  work 
from  neighbors  to  do  at  home  in  the  evenings  and  slack  time."  "Some  of  these  season  hands  would  do 
dressmaking  on  their  own  account  when  the  season  was  over." 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOB  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       145 

"gets  in  some  sewing  from  neighbors,  but  is  not  enough  advanced 
to  undertake  much."  A  young  girl  of  20  who  has  been  in  the  trade 
three  and  one-half  years  works  by  the  day  among  the  neighbors 
about  three  months  in  summer  and  one  week  in  winter,  receiving  $2 
a  day,  and  helps  with  the  family  sewing  when  she  has  tune.  A 
woman  of  38,  who  is  head  skirt  girl  on  a  weekly  wage  of  $15,  has 
worked  at  the  summer  home  of  two  of  her  employer's  customers  for 
the  last  eight  years  and  received  $10  a  week  and  board.  She  makes 
up  fancy  house  dresses  and  evening  gowns.  "A  girl  who  can  sew 
can  get  all  the  work  she  can  do  at  home  and  by  going  out  by  the  day. 
All  the  girls  in  our  shop  (force  of  15  to  20)  can  hardly  wait  until 
vacation." 

New  England,  with  its  many  summer  resorts,  offers  numerous 
opportunities  for  girls  who  wish  a  secondary  occupation  in  the 
summer.  Six  of  the  girls  visited  went  to  summer  hotels  as  waitresses 
in  the  summer  months,  when  their  shop  was  closed.  "I  have  gone 
to  summer  hotels  as  a  waitress  for  about  20  years,"  said  a  head  waist 
girl  on  a  $15  weekly  wage.  "We  get  $15  a  month  with  room  and 
board  and  our  tips  amount  to  from  $40  to  $60  for  the  season." 
Another  woman  went  to  a  summer  hotel  every  summer  where  she 
received  $3  a  week,  but  "made  $100  a  season  by  tips."  A  woman  of 
30  had  been  "waiting  on  table  at  Magnolia  for  the  last  four  years. 
We  receive  $3.50  a  week  and  $2  more  a  week  for  tips.  I'm  sorry  I 
didn't  do  it  sooner.  I  get  a  rest  and  a  vacation  from  sewing.  I'm 
saving  money,  and  am  at  no  expense.  Usually  the  girls  don't  receive 
their  money  until  the  end  of  the  season;  then  they  have  quite  a  little 
sum  toward  a  bank  account.  At  the  hotels  wh'ere  I  go  there  are  a 
great  many  nice  girls — teachers  and  sewing  girls."  Employers  some- 
times complain  that  their  girls  leave  them  before  the  spring  season 
is  over  to  go  to  the  summer  resorts  and  that  they  get  back  late  in  the 
fall.  Other  employers  are  glad  to  make  arrangements  to  allow  the 
employee  a  change  of  work. 

The  summer  dull  season  is  not  a  source  of  dread  to  all  workers,  as 
is  the  popular  supposition,  but  has  a  varied  significance  for  the  work- 
ers in  the  dressmaking  trade.  For  the  highly  paid  worker  it  means 
vacation  and  rest.  For  the  energetic  and  athletic  and  outdoors- 
loving  girl  it  means  change  of  occupation  in  employment  at  summer 
hotels  and  resorts.  For  the  resourceful  girl  who  knows  or  wishes  no 
other  trade  it  means  sewing  by  the  day  among  acquaintances  and 
relatives.  For  the  inefficient,  without  the  power  of  adjustment,  it 
it  means  "out  of  work." 

It  is  just  this  type  of  worker  who  is  unable  to  make  adjustments 
when  occasion  demands.  A  finisher  of  35  years  or  more  earning  $9  a 
week  supported  her  aunt,  her  niece,  and  herself.  She  had  very  short 

29885°— Bull.  193— 1C 10 


146  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

seasons,  and  at  the  time  of  the  visit  was  out  of  work.  "Why  don't  you 
try  to  find  some  other  kind  of  work  during  the  dull  season  in  your 
trade?"  "Oh,  I  should  never  dare  go  out  and  try  something  I  knew 
nothing  about,'7  she  said.  "Did  you  ever  try  going  out  by  the  day  ?" 
asked  the  investigator.  "  No ;  I  never  tried  it,"  she  said.  "  But  I  think 
I  should  like  it."  For  20  years  she  had  been  struggling  along  from  shop 
to  shop  as  a  finisher,  yet  had  never  dared  "try  something  else" 
nor  tried  to  fill  in  by  sewing  by  the  day. 

The  dressmaking  trade,  therefore,  with  certain  advantages,  pre- 
sents some  big  problems  for  solution.  Still  primarily  woman's 
sphere,  the  competition  of  men  does  not  complicate  the  situation. 
While  the  wage  may  seem  low,  few  other  industries  show  as  high  a 
wage  scale,  and  the  opportunity  for  advancement  and  corresponding 
income  is  unique  in  custom  dressmaking.  Nevertheless,  more  than 
one-half  in  custom  and  two-thirds  in  factory  dressmaking  are  indus- 
trial workers,  with  varying  degrees  of  manual  skill,  earning  from  $5  to 
$10.  The  professional  workers,  who  combine  skill  with  artistic  and 
administrative  ability,  representing  one-third  of  the  custom  and  one- 
fifth  of  the  factory  workers,  are  found  in  the  $10  to  $15  wage  group, 
though  experts  and  heads  range  from  $18  to  $50  a  week.  Viewing 
the  wage  with  regard  to  two  important  factors,  age  and  experience, 
those  earning  less  than  $5  are  found  to  be  young  workers  with  short 
experience  and  those  earning  $18  and  over  young  women  between  25 
and  30  years  of  age  with  a  working  experience  of  more  than  10  and 
less  than  20  years.  The  large  group  earning  $7  to  $10  comprises  an 
infinite  variety  of  ages  and  experience,  but  with  one  common 
characteristic — medrocre  ability. 

But  the  real  earnings  of  the  worker  can  not  be  accurately  estimated 
from  her  nominal  weekly  wage,  for  this  is  decreased  by  two  important 
factors :  short  absences  and  dull  season.  Short  absences  of  less  than 
a  week  reduce  the  income  of  the  custom  worker  about  10  per  cent 
and  that  of  the  factory  employee  14  per  cent.  The  loss  from  slack 
season  is  more  difficult  to  estimate,  but  is  probably  considerable. 
Many  therefore  must  resort  to  subsidiary  occupations  to  supplement 
their  income.  The  woman  who  sews  is  more  fortunate  than  most 
workers,  as  she  has  a  trade  that  can  always  be  utilized,  if  not  for 
profit,  at  least  for  the  advantage  of  herself  and  her  family.  Somo, 
however,  because  of  immaturity,  lack  of  skill,  or  desire  for  change, 
resort  to  quite  different  occupations. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
TEACHING  THE  TRADE. 

How  can  the  young  worker  learn  the  trade  ?  This  important  ques- 
tion is  increasingly  demanding  attention  with  the  contemporary  dis- 
appearance of  opportunity  hoth  in  the  home  and  in  the  trade  itself. 
In  1699,  Hannah  Buckmaster,  aged  12  years,  with  the  consent  of  her 
mother,  was  apprenticed  for  five  years  to  Joseph  Latham,  shipwright, 
and  Jane,  his  wife,  seamstress  and  mantomaker,  to  be  taught  "to 
make  man  toes,  pettycoats,  sew  and  marke  plain  worke,"  and  in  1700, 
Mary  Moore,  aged  11  years,  with  the  consent  of  her  father  and  mother, 
was  apprenticed  to  Richard  Stoaks,  and  Margaret,  his  wife,  for  four 
years.  Said  apprentice  was  to  be  taught  "to  sew  plaine  worke  and 
reade  the  English  tongue." 1  A  century  and  a  half  later  the  appren- 
ticeship system  was  in  the  last  stages  of  disintegration,  though 
various  vestiges  still  survived. 

In  1863  Virginia  Penny  wrote  that  "In  New  York  the  conditions 
on  which  apprentices  are  taken  vary  greatly."  First,  some  employers 
took  on  young  girls  for  a  period  of  two  years  during  which  they  were 
"to  learn  the  trade  thoroughly."  Second,  some  took  on  young  work- 
ers for  a  year  and  "boarded  (them)  during  that  time  for  their  work." 
Third,  some  "pay  nothing  for  six  months  and  even  receive  $10  or  $15 
for  instruction."  Miss  Penny,  however,  in  1863  made  the  very 
modern  complaint  that  "the  young  girls  are  kept  at  making  up  skirts, 
sewing  up  sleeves,  and  such  plain  work,  and  so  learn  nothing  during 
the  time."  Fourth,  one  employer  says,  "a  girl  of  fair  abilities  can 
learn  dressmaking  in  six  months."  The  first  three  months  she  did 
not  pay  anything,  but  the  last  three  $1  a  week.  After  the  girls 
had  learned  she  paid  according  to  their  taste,  skill,  and  industry. 
Finally,  some  houses  provided  no  systematic  or  thorough  training  at 
all.  Young  workers  "who  can  sew  right  well  when  they  commence" 
begin  with  a  nominal  wage  of  $1.50  to  $2  a  week,  "but  they  are  not 
taught  to  fit  unless  the  employer  is  a  conscientious  woman  and  there 
is  a  special  contract."  2 

At-  the  opening  of  the  twentieth  century  the  apprenticeship 
system  has  practically  disappeared  from  custom  dressmaking  in  the 
United  States.  But  a  few  sporadic  instances  and  the  pseudo 

i  New  York  Historic  Society  Collections,  1*S5,  pp.  582,  583. 

a  The  Employments  of  Women,  bv  Virginia  Penny,  pp.  325,  326. 

147 


148  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF  LABOR    STATISTICS. 

apprenticeship  of  the  errand-girl  service  remain.  The  pay  roll  of  one 
of  the  large  shops  showed  a  young  girl  working  for  no  wage  some  six 
weeks.  A  Swedish  employer  in  Boston,  a  small  dressmaker  in  Cam- 
bridge, and  one  in  Worcester  reported  three  months'  unpaid  appren- 
ticeship during  which  time  the  girls  ran  errands  and  did  some  simple 
sewing;  $3  was  the  usual  beginning  wage.  A  young  Italian  girl  of 
12  or  13  years  in  the  "North  End"  of  Boston  had  worked  after  school 
until  9  o'clock  for  a  private  dressmaker  in  that  neighborhood  for  a 
year  without  pay.  Two  small  employers  in  Boston  reported  three 
months'  unpaid  apprenticeship  with  car  fare.  But  generally  speak- 
ing, unpaid  apprenticeship  as  a  means  of  learning  the  trade  is  unusual 
at  present. 

Two  reasons  are  given  by  employers  for  its  disappearance:  (1)  "wo 
can't  get  girls  to  serve  as  apprentices  without  pay"  and  (2)  "we  don't 
want  them — we  haven't  time  to  teach."  The  great  and  unsatisfied 
demand  for  skilled  workers  in  the  trade  raises  the  questions:  Why 
do  not  girls  serve  the  apprenticeship  necessary  to  acquire  a  good 
trade?  Why,  on  the  other  hand,  if  employers  are  So  desperate  for 
help,  do  they  not  try  to  train  their  own  workers?  The  answer  to 
these  questions  isf  ound  in  the  evolution  of  the  trade  itself.  Indus- 
trial advancement  and  competition  have  resulted  in  transfer  of  the 
place  of  production  to  industrial  quarters  and  in  the  development  of 
systematized  organization,  which  means  that  every  member  of  the 
force  must  show  an  immediate  economic  profit.  Division  of  labor  is 
carried  to  a  degree  which  gives  little  chance  for  learning  the  trade  as 
a  whole.  Moreover,  since  heads  of  sections  must  make  their  divisions 
pay,  they  have  little  time  or  inclination  to  train  the  unskilled  worker. 
The  restriction  of  custom  dressmaking  to  house  gowns  of  delicate  or 
perishable  materials  leaves  small  opportunity  for  the  beginner  and 
there  is  very  little  work  left  in  the  professional  dressmaker's  shop  that 
could  be  turned  over  to  absolutely  unskilled  hands.  The  most  simple 
processes,  such  as  binding  of  seams,  must  be  done  neatly  and  carefully 
or  the  delicate  silks  and  chiffons  show  bad  effects.  The  hooks  and 
eyes  must  be  sewed  on  by  exact  measurements.  The  collars  must  fit 
perfectly.  The  ability  to  handle  these  delicate  materials  without  muss- 
ing, soiling,  or  stretching  them  is  a  part  of  the  beginner's  education. 

What  avenue  of  approach  then  does  the  trade  itself  offer  to  the 
young  inexperienced  worker  ?  Practically  the  only  means  of  entrance 
for  the  young  girl  who  has  had  no  previous  training  or  experience  is 
through  "a  pseudo  apprenticeship,"  as  M.  Alfassa  dubs  it,1  that  is, 
the  errand-girl  stage.  The  errand  girl  picks  up  stray  bits  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  trade,  but  this  is  a  slow  and  haphazard  method. 
The  French  expression  "trottin"  and  the  English  word  "trotter" 

i  La  Crise  de  1'Apprentissage,  par  Georges  Alfassa,  in  Annals  des  Sciences  Politiques,  July,  1905,  pp. 
421-441. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       149 

well  express  the  errand  girl's  primary  occupation.  She  runs  errands 
down  town  to  match  materials  or  buy  thread  or  findings,  and  delivers 
the  gowns  at  the  homes  of  customers.  She  may  or  may  not  he  called 
upon  to  sweep  and  dust.  She  answers  the  door  bell  and  the  telephone 
and  is  general  utility  girl.  One  naturally  asks:  When  does  she  have 
time  to  learn  anything  of  the  trade  ?  She  is,  of  course,  securing  a  gen- 
eral training  in  her  shopping  expeditions,  and  in  the  small  and 
medium-sized  shop  there  are  many  spare  moments  when  she  has  a 
chance  to  use  her  needle.  In  a  large  shop,  however,  where  four  or 
five  errand  girls  are  sometimes  employed,  one  for  each  workroom,1 
these  girls,  like  the  other  workers,  are  more  specialized  and  have  less 
time  or  opportunity  for  sewing.  Although  they  sometimes  work  up 
through  the  stages  of  the  trade,  the  system  offers  occasion  for  exploi- 
tation of  children.  One  young  girl  who  entered  a  shop  as  errand  girl 
was  at  the  end  of  five  months  put  on  the  sewing  force,  but  another 
worked  six  years  as  errand  girl  at  the  end  of  which  time  her  employer 
''thought  she  was  ready  for  sewing.'' 

In  general,  a  knowledge  of  the  fundamentals  of  the  trade  is  essen- 
tial to  secure  entrance  as  wocker  in  the  shop  of  to-day.  The  news- 
papers are  full  of  advertisements  like  i  i  Dressmaker  apprentices  paid, 
must  be  good  sewers  " ;  "Girl  wanted  to  learn  dressmaking,  paid  while 
learning,  a  little  experience  preferred."  2  The  busy  dressmaker  is 
rare  who  will  stop  to  teach  the  young  girl  such  simple  yet  essential 
principles  as  how  to  hold  a  needle,  to  wear  a  thimble,  to  hold  the  mate- 
rials so  they  will  not  be  mussed  or  soiled,  and  to  develop  accuracy  of 
measurement  and  ability  to  take  neat  but  rapid  stitches.  The  girl 
formerly  acquired  these  fundamentals  to  a  certain  extent  in  her  own 
home,  but  neither  home  nor  shop  now  gives  systematic  training  along 
these  lines. 

"The  question  that  these  investigations  raise,"  wrote  Mrs.  Oake- 
shott,  inspector  of  women's  technical  classes  in  London  in  1908,  "is 
whether  it  [apprenticeship]  is  worth  reviving  in  any  form  or  whether 
as  a  system  workroom  training  is  effete  and  must  be  replaced." 
Training  in  the  workroom  if  properly  conducted  undoubtedly  offers 
certain  advantages.  In  a  small  shop  where  only  a  few  girls  are  em- 
ployed the  young  worker  has  the  advantage  of  a  general  training  on 
all  parts  of  the  gown  under  the  direct  supervision  of  her  employer. 
She  sees  the  relation  of  the  different  parts  to  the  whole.  She  has  the 
opportunity  for  adaptation  to  the  discipline  of  shop  hours,  learns  the 
necessity  for  strict  application,  acquires  the  art  of  working  with 
others,  and  has  a  chance  to  develop  initiative.  In  other  words,  an 
appreciation  of  business  methods,  a  realization  of  the  necessity  of 
prompt  and  efficient  service,  and  a  sense  of  values  is  cultivated. 

1  One  large  shop  advertised  for  25  errand  girls.    Boston  Globe,  Sept.  16,  1911. 

a  Boston  Globe,  Oct.  9,  16,  23,  27,  1910,  etc. 

3  London  County  Council,  Women's  Trades  (London,  1908),  p.  5. 


150  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

Only  the  small  shop,  however,  can  provide  general  training  for  the 
inexperienced  young  girl  of  to-day;  it  has  been  in  a  sense  a  training 
school  for  many  workers  in  the  trade,  but  census  statistics  seem  to 
show  its  disappearance  and  elimination.  Moreover,  the  small  shop, 
during  the  last  decade,  has  become  very  limited  in  its  field,  since 
much  of  its  work  now  consists  largely  of  alterations  and  of  making  a 
medium-grade  product.  Thus  the  young  worker's  experience  is 
necessarily  restricted,  she  acquires  little  or  none  of  the  science  of  the 
trade,  and  has  a  very  limited  opportunity  for  advancement.  Large 
employers  frankly  admit  the  small  opportunity  for  ^inexperienced 
workers.  The  head  dressmaker  in  a  large  fashionable  establishment 
favored  shop  training  but  acknowledged  that  in  her  own  workroom 
the  girl  can  be  given  little  attention.  "We  put  her  into  the  work- 
room and  just  let  her  pick  up  as  best  she  can,  but  it  is  a  more  prac- 
tical training."  "She  becomes  a  helper  under  one  of  the  more 
advanced  girls,"  said  another.  The  industry  no  longer  teaches  its 
workers  the  trade  as  a  whole  but  allows  them  to  acquire  such  knowl- 
edge as  they  may  be  able  to  "pick  up"  during  their  working  experi- 
ence in  the  shop.  The  exceptional  girl. will  profit  by  her  opportunity 
and^surmount  all  difficulties,  but  the  great  majority  will  not. 
^What  can  be  done  to  help  this  great  majority  bridge  the  gap? 
Where  can  the  girl  get  the  fundamentals  which  will  enable  her  to  take 
advantage  of  her  opportunities  to  ''pick  up  "  in  the  shop  ?  A  cursory 
glance  would  seem  to  show  that  there  are  many  agencies  through 
which  she  might  secure  the  fundamentals:  the  public  day  school,  the 
night  schools,  the  high  school  of  practical  arts,  the  Young  Women's 
Christian  Association  classes,  the  various  endowed  institutions,  both 
public  and  private,  where  sewing  classes  are  held,  the  private  dress- 
making schools,  and  lastly,  the  new  and  recent  development  of  the 
last  decade,  the  trade  schools  for  girls.  With  the  exception  of  the  last 
method,  the  purpose  and  results  of  all  of  these  efforts  may  be  hastily 
described. 

The  aim  of  the  sewing  classes  of  the  public  day  schools  has  been 
cultural  rather  than  industrial;  to  give  the  girl  a  certain  amount  of 
manual  training  which  has  a  definite  relation  to  her  domestic  life,  not 
to  equip  her  to  earn  her  living  in  that  particular  trade,  any  more 
than  the  corresponding  manual  training  of  the  boy  is  to  fit  him  to 
become  a  carpenter.  The  manual  training  in  the  school  usually  con- 
sists in  simple  sewing  for  two  hours  once  or  twice  a  week  in  the  upper 
grades.  The  young  eighth-grade  girl  who  spent  a  year  making  a 
kitchen  apron  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  many  processes,  such  as 
cutting,  basting,  hemming,  and  buttonholing,  but  she  was  by  no 
means  equipped  to  maintain  a  place  in  a  dressmaking  shop.  She 
must  have  more  systematic  and  intensive  training  to  induct  her  into 
the  trade. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       151 

The  municipal  public  school  system  also  provides  evening  classes 
which  include  dressmaking  iii  the  curriculum,  but  these  are  not 
industrial  training  classes  nor  do  they  attempt  to  train  for  the  trade. 
Their  aim  is  social  as  well  as  educational,  namely,  to  make  the  pupil 
a  more  efficient  producer  and  consumer  in  the  home.  These  classes 
perform  a  valuable  service  if  rightly  conducted,  but  they  should  not 
be  mistaken  for  industrial  training  classes.  Neither  do  their  pupils 
increase  competition  in  the  trade,  as  might  be  supposed,  for  the 
majority  are  heads  of  families  or  women  with  other  occupations  who 
are  trying  to  maintain  a  respectable  wardrobe  on  a  scanty  income. 
The  teachers  questioned  knew  of  none  who  had  gone  into  the  trade, 
and  but  two  of  the  200  workers  visited  had  had  any  training  in  the 
evening  schools.  Classes  in  dressmaking  in  the  Young  Women's 
Christian  Association,  churches,  and  various  endowed  institutions  of 
the. city  all  exist  for  the  same  purpose — helping  the  girl  or  woman  to 
make  her  own  clothes  or  those  of  her  family. 

The  high  school  of  practical  arts  provides  a  four  years'  training, 
but  dressmaking  classes  in  such  a  school  turn  out  few  industrial 
workers  for  the  trade.  The  economic  status  of  pupils  in  this  school 
which  enables  them  to  devote  four  years  to  secondary  education 
enables  them  to  prepare  themselves  for  something  better.  The  four- 
year  course  excludes  the  industrial  worker,  providing  leaders  and 
teachers  of  the  trade  and  equipping  the  girl  for  something  above  the 
industrial  level. 

Private  dressmaking  schools,  though  not  numerous,  range  from 
the  small  private  dressmaker  who  advertises  "  Dress  cutting  taught 
by  practical  dressmaker  for  $5;  situation  furnished,"  l  to  the  large 
school  in  the  center  of  the  business  district  advertising  "100  women 
and  girls  wanted  at  once  to  learn  dressmaking  and  millinery  by  the 
famous  system."  2  In  spite  of  the  promises  held  forth  by  some  of 
these  schools,  very  few  workers  were  found  who  had  been  trained  in 
them.  One  shopworker  was  attending  an  evening  class  for  further 
instruction.  Several  independent  dayworkers  had  taken  a  course 
for  which  they  paid  $25,  but  maintained  it  had  not  fitted  them  for 
the  shop;  that  the  whole  training  had  been  based  on  a  particular 
system  which  they  found  used  in  no  shop.  Moreover,  the  cost  of 
instruction  in  private  schools  must  shut  out  large  numbers  and  con- 
sequently can  not  supply  the  needs  of  the  great  mass  of  workers. 

The  public  school  authorities  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts  have 
made  a  radical  diversion  within  the  last  decade  in  assuming  the  re- 
sponsibility of  training  girls  directly  for  the  trade.  The  pioneer  trade 
school  for  14  to  16  year  old  girls  was  opened  in  New  York  in  1902 
by  Mrs.  Mary  Schenck  Woolman,  who  became  convinced  that  the 
young  girls  of  this  age  who  were  leaving  the  public  schools  could  be 

i  Boston  Globe,  Oct.  30, 1910.  «  Ibid,  Mar.  4,  1910. 


152  BULLETIN   OF   THE  BUREAU   OF   LABOR  STATISTICS. 

equipped  with  the  fundamentals  which  would  secure  entrance  into 
the  desirable  trades.  "  Three  principles  may  be  laid  down  with 
regard  to  the  desirability  of  woman's  work/'  wrote  Miss  Marshall. 
"  First,  the  occupation  must  not  deaden  the  natural  powers  nor 
reduce  the  individual  to  the  position  of  a  mere  machine;  second,  it 
must  develop  that  kind  of  efficiency  which  will  be  valuable  to  the 
woman  as  a  home  maker;  and  third,  it  must  not  be  detrimental 
physically  or  morally."  1 

The  needle  trades,  accepted  as  fulfilling  these  requirements,  have 
been  introduced  in  all  the  trade  schools  for  girls,  and  have  necessi- 
tated a  new  point  of  view  and  new  methods  in  education.  The  trade 
school  for  girls  must  face  two  facts:  "(1)  that  the  primary  aim  of 
the  classes  was  to  reach  girls  who  were  obliged  to  go  to  work  young, 
and  who  could  not,  therefore,  spend  much  time  in  training;  (2)  that 
the  classes  were  to  train  for  trades,  hence  that  workshop  conditions 
must  be  studied  and  adopted."  2  Investigation  showed  that  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  fundamentals  was  essential  to  secure  a  stable  position  in 
the  shop.  The  school  must  lift  the  girl  over  the  stage  of  general 
service  which  is  otherwise  the  only  means  of  entrance  for  young  and 
inexperienced  workers  and  which  proves  a  " blind  alley"  for  many. 
The  girl  must  learn  such  seemingly  elementary  yet  really  difficult 
things  as  holding  a  needle  properly  and  easily,  handling  delicate 
materials  without  soiling  or  mussing  them,  basting,  sewing  and  over- 
casting a  seam  without  puckering  it,  sewing  on  hooks  and  eyes  so 
they  meet,  and  using  some  judgment  in  the  distance  at  which  they 
are  placed*  for  on  collars  they  must  be  close  together  and  on  lingerie 
blouses  farther  apart;  making  buttonholes;  turning  and  hemming 
the  bottoms  of  coats  and  skirts;  putting  braid  on  skirts;  gathering; 
using  the  proper  sized  stitch  for  different  materials  and  different 
purposes;  tacking  girdles  to  waists,  or  overdresses  to  the  linings; 
tucking  by  hand  and  machine,  and  alterations. 

All  these  processes  constitute  the  work  of  the  young  general  worker, 
helper,  plain  sewer  or  finisher,  and  are  .practically  the  only  work 
open  to  one  of  limited  experience.  These,  then,  are  the  processes  on 
which  she  must  be  drilled,  for  her  capacity  to  do  these  things  well 
determines  her  ability  to  maintain  her  position.  But  not  only  must 
she  know  how  to  do  these  things,  but  in  all  she  must  display  three 
very  important  requisites — neatness,  accuracy,  and  speed. 

But  when  she  has  met  the  technical  requisites  of  the  trade,  there  are 
still  important  lessons  to  be  mastered.  She  must  become  accus- 
tomed to  the  consecutive  work  of  a  nine-hour  day,  so  the  trade 
school,  attempting  to  provide  a  stage  of  transition,  maintains  a 

1  Industrial  Training  for  Women,  by  Florence  M.  Marshall,  National  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Indus- 
trial Education,  Bulletin  No.  4,  p.  17. 

2  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  December,  1909,  p.  12. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       153 

working  day  from  8.30  a.  m.  to  5  p.  m.,  with  one  hour  at  noon. 
Materials  are  furnished  by  the  school  and  garments  are  made  for 
sale  or  on  order  under  the  guidance  and  direction  of  teachers  who 
have  worked  in  the  trade,  providing  as  much  of  the  shop  conditions 
as  is  compatible  with  training.  But  the  trade  school  wishes  to  give 
not  only  the  necessities,  but  some  outlook  into  the  future.  Miss 
Marshall  has  estimated  that  three-fourths  of  the  school  time  must 
be  devoted  to  meeting  the  demands  of  the  trade,  and  in  the  other 
fourth,  the  learner  must  be  equipped  with  some  of  the  fundamentals 
which  will  insure  her  success  as  a  future  worker.  For  instance,  good 
health  is  one  of  her  most  valuable  assets  and  she  must  learn  how  to 
sit  properly  without  humping  over  as  is  the  natural  inclination  of 
sewers.  She  must  be  taught  the  necessity  of  good  food  and  what  is 
proper  food.  She  must  learn  the  value  and  necessity  of  cleanliness, 
of  fresh  air,  and  of  exercise,  which  are  most  essential  for  a  sedentary 
occupation.  One  mother  when  asked:  "How  has  Mary  been  most 
benefited  by  the  trade  school  ?"  said,  "  She  takes  a  bath  every  morning 
and  she  walks  to  work."  Moreover,  she  must  be  given  some  of  the 
elementary  but  fundamental  principles  of  "  artistic  sense,"  such  as 
pleasing  combination  of  color  and  materials,  artistic  design,  planning 
waists,  dresses,  trimmings;  perhaps  also  she  should  have  a  little 
experience  in  the  more  artistic  processes  of  the  trade,  such  as  draping 
and  trimming,  as  an  impetus  and  glimpse  into  the  future  rather  than 
as  training  for  an  immediate  opening. 

The  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  beginning  with  a  curriculum  of 
a  few  months,  has  been  able  to  lengthen  the  course  of  study  to  two 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  learner  is  ready  for  the  trade  and 
has  also  reached  a  suitable  age  for  entering  it.  The  test  of  any  voca- 
tional school  is  the  recognition  given  by  employers  and  the  success 
of  the  students  themselves.  The  remarkable  growth  of  the  Boston 
school  during  its  six  years'  existence  as  a  private  organization,  from 
15  or  so  in  the  summer  of  1904  to  almost  200  when  in  1909  it  was 
taken  over  under  city  management,  illustrates  the  attitude  of  girls 
and  parents  toward  such  a  school.1 

The  attitude  of  the  trade  is  also  illustrated  by  an  interesting 
advertisement  appearing  in  the  Boston  Globe  on  October  8,  1910, 
"  Wan  ted,  Sewing  girls  with  Boston  Trade  School  training.  Apply 

to ..."  Eighty-four  graduates,  all  who  had  gone  out 

from  the  school  up  to  1910  as  accredited  and  were  still  employed 
in  the  trade,  were  visited;  34.5  per  cent  entered  the  trade  with  a 
beginning  wage  of  $4,  33  per  cent  at  $5,  and  14  per  cent  at  $6.  Three- 
fourths  were  less  than  18  years  old  when  they  began  work.  The 
trade-school  girl  undoubtedly  has  an  immediate  financial  advantage 

1  The  school  has  continued  to  grow  under  public-school  management,  showing  a  registration  of  594  girls 
during  the  school  year  1913-14. 


154  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

over  the  girls  trained  through  the  trade.  While  four-fifths  of  tho 
workers  visited  who  had  entered  as  paid  apprentices  and  the  same 
proportion  of  trade-school  girls  entered  under  18  years  of  age,  none 
of  the  former  group  ~as  compared  with  almost  one-half  the  latter  had 
a  beginning  wage  exceeding  $4.  The  trade  school  now  aims  to  place 
girls  at  not  less  than  $6  a  week.1 

In  the  shop  the  young  graduate  finds  herself  a  member  of  the  great 
"industrial  group"  described  in  the  chapter  on  wages  (p.  133),  which 
represents  primarily  manual  skill  and  constitutes  55  per  cent  of  the 
great  working  force,2  The  workroom  still  has  much  to  teach  her.  She 
is  capable  of  good  workmanship,  but  she  must  adapt  herself  to  the 
discipline  of  the  nine-hour  working  day,  and  to  the  routine  work, 
the  short  cuts,  and  the  frequently  slip-shod  methods  of  the  trade. 
She  must  realize  that  economy  of  time  and  effort  are  the  watchwords 
of  the  trade.  She  must  gain  appreciation  of  business  methods,  and 
of  the  necessity  of  strict  application  and  efficiency,  and  acquire  the 
speed  demanded  in  the  trade.  She  must  develop  initiative  and 
ability  to  see  what  is  to  be  done  and  how  to  do  it  in  case  she  has 
never  done  it  before.  Several  employers  have  reported  instances  of 
going  into  the  workroom  and  saying:  "I  should  like  some  little 
ornament  to  give  this  a  finishing  touch/'  or,  "Will  some  one  make  a 
bow  or  knot  like  this  one  in  the  picture  ?"  A  young  trade-school  girl 
has  frequently  volunteered  to  try  it  and  succeeded.  All  these  char- 
acteristics the  actual  shopwork  and  increasing  maturity  must  develop. 
The  trade  school  provides  the  foundation,  the  impetus,  and  the  broad 
general  outlook.  The  shop  experience  and  increasing  maturity  must 
broaden  out  her  experience  and  usefulness  in  the  trade. 

As  she  becomes  acquainted  she  is  interested  and  wishes  to  know 
how  the  other  workers  acquired  their  trade.  Five  general  methods 
other  than  her  own  are  discovered:  (1)  apprenticeship  with  tuition 
for  a  few  of  the  older  or  foreign-born  women,  (2)  unpaid  apprentice- 
ship, (3)  so-called  apprenticeship  on  a  small  wage  involving  errands, 
(4)  the  errand-girl  service  solely,  and  (5)  entrance  as  a  regular  worker 
having  acquired  the  fundamentals  at  home. 

About  equal  proportions  entered  as  paid  apprentices  on  less  than 
$5,  and  as  paid  workers  on  $5  or  more,  these  two  methods  inducting 
into  the  trade  two-thirds  of  those  without  trade-school  training.3 
Apprenticeship  with  tuition  plays  a  very  small  part  as  a  means  oi 
entrance  because  the  system  has  disappeared,  and  the  errand-girl 
service  is  also  an  unimportant  avenue  because  few  advance  through 
this  stage  to  the  sewing  processes;  the  majority  "don't  like  it"  and 

1  See  intensive  study  in  forthcoming  bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  oi  Labor  Statistics  on  Indus- 
trial Efficiency  of  Girls  Trained  in  Massachusetts  Trade  Schools. 

2  See  Table  47. 

3  Paid  apprentices  31  per  cent  and  paid  workers  34.5  per  cent  of  11G  workers  visited  who  had  nut  beeu 
trained  at  the  trade  school. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       155 

drop  out.  A  somewhat  larger  proportion  entered  through  unpaid 
apprenticeship. 

Two  present-day  illustrations  show  the  character  of  training  and 
variety  of  results  secured  under  the  old  apprenticeship  system.  An 
English  woman  of  44  years  was  apprenticed  about  30  years  ago  to  a 
private  dressmaker  in  England  with  a  premium  of  about  $97  paid  in 
advance.  In  return  she  received  from  her  employer  room  and  board, 
the  premium  money  dealt  out  to  her  as  pocket  money  in  60-cent  bits 
each  week,  and  thorough  training  hi  the  making  of  every  part  of  the 
dress.  At  the  end  of  two  years  she  was  a  full-fledged  "  bodice-hand,'' 
taking  the  waist  from  the  fitter  and  finishing  it,  and  after  two  years 
as  bodice-hand  she  went  to  London  and  secured  employment  as  waist 
finisher  in  various  firms  in  London,  earning  the  equivalent  of  $4.50 
a  week.  She  later  came  to  America,  and  has  been  in  Boston  several 
years  working  as  finisher  hi  various  establishments  at  a  weekly  wage 
ranging  from  $6  to  $8.  At  the  age  of  44  her  opportunities  are 
limited  mostly  to  alterations  or  machine-made  clothing  establish- 
ments, for  she  has  never  advanced  beyond  the  plain-sewer  stage. 
Employment  agencies  tell  her  they  are  not  able  to  furnish  her  work, 
as  she  is  too  old,  and  the  young  women  are  preferred. 

An  interesting  comparative  study  of  possibilities  and  capacity  to 
profit  by  them  is  seen  in  the  experience  of  a  Swedish  woman,  who 
after  a  year's  similar  apprenticeship  in  Sweden,  worked  a  few  years 
in  her  own  country  and  came  to  America  at  the  age  of  20,  unable  to 
speak  the  English  language.  In  four  years  she  was  earning  $18  a 
week,  and  in  eight  years  $25  a  week  as  fitter  in  one  of  the  largest 
and  most  fashionable  establishments  in  Boston.  She  had  then 
worked  up  a  small  clientele  of  her  own  and  determined  to  go  into 
business  for  herself.  With  a  capital  of  $350  she  opened  up  a  small 
shop,  and  by  the  end  of  the  second  season,  at  the  age  of  30,  was  doing 
an  annual  business  of  $12,000. 

Unpaid  apprenticeship,  in  which  the  employee  pays  the  employer 
nothing  and  vice  versa,  represents  tne  second  stage  in  the  appren- 
ticeship system.  The  period  of  supposed  training  is  much  shorter 
and  much  less  comprehensive  than  in  the  original  form,  and  while 
the  original  apprenticeship  presumably  taught  the  whole  trade, 
these  decadent  forms  more  usually  teach  a  particular  process.  This 
is  shown  by  the  length  of  tune  given  to  the  training.  More  than 
one-half  of  the  20  workers  had  a  three  months'  period  without  pay; 
15  per  cent  exceeded  this,  six  months,  however,  being  the  maximum, 
and  the  same  proportion  had  a  shorter  period  ranging  from  two  to 
six  weeks  without  pay.  The  most  highly  paid  worker  visited  had 
gained  her  preliminary  training  through  a  six  months'  unpaid  ap- 
prenticeship in  a  large  shop.  She  was  apprenticed  at  the  age  of  14, 
and  after  17  years  of  varied  experience,  both  as  employee  and  em- 


156 


BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUEEAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 


ployer,  she  was  earning  $50  a  week  as  head  dressmaker  over  65 
employees  in  a  large,  fashionable  establishment. 

So-called  apprenticeship  on  a  small  weekly  wage  is  the  next  stage 
of  decadence  in  the  apprenticeship  system,  which  often  may  mean 
a  combination  of  general  service  and  sewing.  For  since  the  worker 
is  being  paid,  she  is  usually  expected  to  earn  her  wage  by  numerous 
duties,  such  as  answering  the  doorbell  or  telephone,  running  errands 
down  town,  and  perhaps  sweeping,  for  her  services  in  the  sewing  are,  as 
a  whole,  of  very  little  value  at  first  unless  she  has  had  some  training 
and  experience.  With  increasing  development  and  complication  of 
the  trade,  however,  even  this  avenue  is  gradually  closing,  and  the 
errand-girl  stage  has  become  the  common,  but  very  limited,  opening 
into  the  trade  for  the  immature  worker.  But  12  of  the  200  girls 
visited  had  advanced  through  this  avenue,  and  there  is  a  good  deal 
of  circumstantial  evidence  to  indicate  that,  while  many  enter  as 
errand  girls,  few  advance  from  this  stage  to*  the  sewing  processes. 
Twenty  per  cent  of  the  200  visited  entered  the  trade  as  paid  workers 
with  a  wage  of  $5  or  more,  which  indicates  acquaintance  with  the 
fundamental  principles  of  sewing,  presumably  acquired  in  the  home; 
three-fourths  of  these  were  18  years  of  age  or  more.  The  oppor- 
tunity to  acquire  this  experience  at  home  is,  however,  decreasing 
with  the  predominance  of  cheap  ready-made  wear. 

TABLE  60.— AGE  OF  200  WOMEN  AT  THE  TIME  OF  ENTERING  THE  TRADE  THROUGH 
FOUR  DIFFERENT  METHODS. 


Age  at  entering  trade. 

Means  of  entrance. 

Apprenticeship. 

Er- 
rands. 

.Paid 
worker. 

Trade 
school. 

Unclas- 
sified. 

Total. 

Tui- 
tion. 

Un- 
paid. 

Paid. 

Under  14  years 

2 

1 

1 

8 
4 
5 

1 

13 
15 
3 
2 
2 

1 
6 
4 
1 

5 
52 
79 
37 
12 
15 

14  and  under  16  years 

5 
5 
15 
9 
6 

19 
51 
13 
1 

16  and  under  18  years  

18  and  under  21  years 

21  years  and  over 

Unclassified  

1 

2 

4 

Total 

4 

20 

36 

12 

40 

84 

4 

200 

While  the  shop  pressed  by  competition  can  not  waste  time  on  a 
girl  who  does  not  adapt  herself  readily  to  its  needs  and  demands, 
the  trade  school  can  help  and  develop  many  a  young  girl  who  later 
becomes  an  efficient  worker,  and  by  placing  her  in  the  shop  as  a 
sewer  prevents  the  tremendous  waste  of  the  present  haphazard 
methods. 

Once  established  in  the  trade  "it  all  depends  on  the  girl,"  employ- 
ers maintain,  but  her  previous  training  and  the  conditions  within 
her  particular  shop  are  also  determining  factors.  A  young  girl  of 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TEADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       157 


17  who  attended  the  trade  school  for  a  year  was  placed  in  one  of  the 
largest  shops  in  Boston  at  a  beginning  wage  of  $6  and  in  less  than  a 
year  was  in  charge  of  linings  at  $8  with  four  women  working  under 
her.  Almost  one-half  those  earning  $8  and  $9  had  reached  the  $8 
wage  in  less  than  four  years  and  three-fourths  in  less  than  six  years. 
The  $9  wage  expresses  more  maturity  and  experience,  the  majority 
having  had  five  or  more  years'  experience,  though  about  one-fourth 
reached  this  stage  between  three  and  four  years.  On  the  other  hand 
old  women  who  have  spent  all  their  life  in  the  trade  earn  $7  and  $8. 
However,  almost  one-half  of  the  64  women  visited  who  were  within 
the  "industrial  group/'  and  earning  from  $7  to  $9, had  reached  the 
$7  wage  in  less  than  three  years  and  two-thirds  in  less  than  four 
years. 

TABLE  61.— LENGTH  OF  TIME  REQUIRED  TO  REACH  THE  $7,  $8,  AND  $9  WAGE  BY  64 
WORKERS  IN  THE  INDUSTRIAL  GROUP. 

Number  earning  specified  wage  in  time  specified. 


"Weekly  wage. 

Under  1 
year. 

1  year 
and  un- 
der 2 

2  years 
and  un- 
der 3 

3  years 
and  un- 
der 4 

4  years 
andun-, 
der5 

5  years 
and  un- 
der 6 

6  years 
and  un- 
classified. 

•Total. 

$7... 

7 

10 

12 

12 

8 

2 

13 

64 

$8               

6 

5 

2 

6 

10 

2 

10 

41 

$9 

1 

5 

7 

9 

22 

After  working  several  years  the  young  helper  or  finisher  is  very 
likely  to  come  down  to  the  shop  some  morning  and  find  her  employer 
in  despair,  for  several  waists  and  gowns  must  be  sent  home  that  day 
and  the  head  sleeve  girl  or  the  waist  draper  is  sick  hi  bed.  The 
young  girl  volunteers  to  solve  the  problem.  "I  did  waist  draping  in 
the  trade  school  several  weeks"  or  "I've  often  watched  the  waist 
draper  do  it"  and  her  employer  under  necessity  dubiously  consents. 
The  young  girl  glowing  with  enthusiasm  and  puffed  with  pride  does 
her  very  best  and,  with  occasional  help  when  in  doubt,  has  her  share 
of  the  work  completed  at  the  appointed  tune.  The  next  tune  the 
head  girl  is  ill,  or  if  she  leaves  to  be  married,  or  to  go  to  some  other 
shop,  the  young  helper  naturally  slips  into  her  place.  This  is  a 
transition  stage  between  the  purely  industrial  work  involving  manual 
skill  on  which  the  $5  to  $9  workers  are  employed,  and  the  highly 
skilled  artistic  and  administrative  occupations  of  the.  women  earning 
$15  and  over. 

Into  this  $10  to  $14  wage  group  our  young  protege  has  advanced 
after  some  years'  experience.  In  this  stage  are  the  makers  who  put 
together  the  parts  of  the  waists,  skirts,  and  sleeves,  perhaps  some 
cutters  in  the  small  shops,  the  majority  of  the  drapers,  some  of  the 
high-class  finishers,  who  also  combine  "making"  with  finishing,  and 
a  few  expert  machine  operators.  A  trade-school  girl  who  went  to 


158  BULLETIN   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   LABOR  STATISTICS. 

work  at  the  age  of  17  with  a  beginning  wage  of  $5  had  in  three  years 
become  a  waist  draper  in  a  large  fashionable  shop,  earning  $10  a  week. 
A  young  colored  girl  who  attended  the  trade  school  seven  months 
began  work  at  the  age  of  16  on  $4  a  week  and  in  four  years  was 
earning  $12  as  a  sleeve  draper.  Two  young  sisters  who  attended 
the  trade  school  seven  and  nine  months  respectively  began  work  at 
$4  and  at  $6  and  in  four  years  were  each  earning  $11.  Two-thirds 
of  the  22  women  within  this  group  personally  visited  had  not  reached 
this  semiprofessional  stage  before  six  years  and  the  majority  re- 
quired a  longer  period. 

It  is  just  about  this  time,  after  several  years'  experience,  that  the 
girl  begins  to  aspire  to  something  better.  At  this  stage  the  majority 
are  about  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  years  of  age.  Their  parents 
now  begin  to  expect  them  to  be  independent,  and  they  feel'they  have 
been  in  the  shop  long  enough  to  have  some  share  in  the  creative  work 
which  is  so  much  more  interesting  and  profitable.  If  now  they  could 
have  opportunity  to  study  the  principles  of  art  and  design,  planning, 
cutting,  artistic  combination  of  materials,  trimmings,  and  colors,  they 
would  appreciate  and  profit  by  the  training.  Their  increased  ma- 
turity and  experience  would  enable  them,  if  properly  equipped,  to 
meet  a  part  of  the  demand  for  the  higher  class  of  workers.  The  col- 
ored girl  had  never  abandoned  her  outside  studying  of  allied  subjects, 
such  as  art  and  design,  so  she  was  able  when  the  sleeve  draper  mar- 
ried to  take  her  place  on  a  wage  of  $12  with  only  four  years'  shop 
experience.  The  artistic  and  administrative  positions  paying  $15  and 
more  are  for  the  most  part  held  by  comparatively  young  women 
ranging  from  25  to  40  years  of  age.  After  that  they  usually  go  out 
by  the  day,  do  business  in  their  own  home,  or  open  a  shop.  A  great 
many  women  do  not  rise  above  the  industrial  stage  in  the  trade  be- 
cause of  lack  of  artistic  and  creative  ability.  Some  who  have  latent 
ability  might  with. proper  stimulus  and  impetus  develop  those  quali- 
fications requisite  for  advancement.  Systematic  and  well  organized 
evening  classes  offering  such  training  in  close  cooperation  with  the 
needs  and  demands  of  the  trade  would  undoubtedly  lift  many  over 
the  obstacles  encountered  in  the  shop.  The  capable  girl  will  sur- 
mount them,  but  the  timid  and  less  resourceful  will  often  allow  them 
to  conquer  her. 

So  a  coordination  of  technical  training  and  of  trade  experience  is 
essential.  The  preliminary  training  and  experience  acquired  in  the 
trade  school  shorten  the  period  of  acquisition  in  the  shop,  and,  also, 
inducts  into  the  trade  many  who  could  not  surmount  the  initial 
obstacles  in  the  trade,  such  as  speed  requirements  and  knowledge  of 
the  fundamental  and  elementary  processes.  In  the  trade  school, 
however,  the  training  and  development  of  the  young  worker  is 
paramount.  The  interests  of  the  pupil  and  teacher  are  identical; 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       159 

namely,  as  rapid  advancement  as  the  young  girl  is  capable  of  making. 
When  the  pupil  has  acquired  sufficient  skill  in  one  process,  she  is  ad- 
vanced to  the  next.  In  the  shop,  just  the  contrary  is  true.  Commer- 
cial profits  are  paramount,  so  that  the  interests  of  employer  and  worker 
may  be  by  no  means  always  the  same.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising 
if,  when  rushed  with  work  and  under  obligation  to  turn  out  completed 
gowns  without  a  flaw,  the  employer  keeps  her  young  employees  on 
those  processes  which  the}'  have  learned  to  do  well,  and  the  em- 
ployees' point  of  view  is  quite  as  natural  though  shortsighted.  When 
they  have  mastered  one  process,  the  weekly  wage  they  earn  at  it  is 
frequently  more  attractive  than  the  prospect  of  a  long  period  of 
training  with  remote  possibility  of  large  remuneration. 

The  chief  emphasis  of  a  preliminary  trade  school  must  be  put  upon 
the  actual  processes  open  to  the  young  girl.  After  several  years  in 
the  shop,  she  has  acquired  sufficient  maturity  and  understanding  of 
the  trade  to  be  ready  for  further  advancement.  Here,  again,  many 
who  may  not  be  able  to  advance  on  then*  own  initiative  to  higher 
positions  involving  artistic  ability  and  greater  technical  skill,  or  to 
go  out  by  the  da}'  as  general  dressmaker  could  be  assisted  in  bridging 
the  gap  through  carefully  planned  and  coordinated  evening  courses 
in  cutting,  fitting  and  draping.  Openings  and  opportunities  are  con- 
tinually appearing  in  the  shop  for  the  woman  who  is  able  to  grasp 
them.  Courses  of  training  in  the  advanced  processes  of  the  trade 
have  a  vital  interest  and  a  real  significance  now  for  she  can  put  into 
execution  the  principles  acquired  in  the  class  room. 

The  large  opportunity  for  the  home  dressmaker  in  Massachusetts 
would  seem  to  justify  such  courses,  and  the  difficulty  of  securing 
capable  workers  for  even  the  limited  number  of  openings  in  the  shop 
involving  advanced  technical  skill  and  artistic  ability  shows  the  need 
of  increased  opportunities  for  acquiring  such  skill. 


SUMMARY  AND  OUTLOOK. 

The  conditions  of  women's  work  in  the  dressmaking  trade  show 
some  phases  where  improvement  is  desirable  and  possible,  but  com- 
parison with  other  women-employing  industries  shows  that  it  never- 
theless has  some  decided  advantages.  The  development  of  wholesale 
manufacture  has  made  serious  inroads  into  the  field,  but  the  result  has 
been  new  adjustments  rather  than  annihilation,  for  contemporary 
with  the  development  of  the  ready-made  clothing  industry  has 
grown,  on  the  one  side,  the  large  custom  shop  which  caters  to  the 
numerous  class  of  women  demanding  exclusive  product  with  indi- 
viduality and  fine  handwork.  On  the  other  side  are  the  dayworkers, 
who  go  from  house  to  house  fulfilling  these  same  demands  for  those 
who  can  not  pay  the  prices  charged  by  the  large  shops.  Dress- 
making has  occupied  the  largest  place  in  the  curriculum  of  the 
Massachusetts  trade  schools,  and  for  this  trade  the  large  majority  of 
pupils  have  been  trained,  but  directors  of  vocational  education  and 
guidance  must  recognize  several  fundamental  facts:  First— They 
must  know  their  neighborhood  and  the  demand  from  the  standpoint 
of  numbers  employed,  numbers  required,  types  of  shops,  and  methods 
of  work  in  the  shops  to  which  they  cater.  Second — The  custom 
dressmaking  trade  is  not  a  child-employing  industry,  only  one-third 
of  1  per  cent  of  the  working  force  being  under  16  years  of  age. 
Third — Since  the  field  of  custom  dressmaking  has  become  confined 
principally  to  a  fine  product  involving  skill  and  artistic  ability,  the 
opportunity  for  entrance  is  extremely  limited,  and  we  have  the 
anomaly  of  a  trade  demanding  increasing  skill  and  artistic  sense  and 
providing  decreasing  opportunity  for  its  workers  to  acquire  the 
requisite  qualifications.  The  labor  problem,  therefore,  is  at  present 
one  of  the  great  difficulties  of  the  trade,  both  for  the  employer,  be- 
cause she  can  not  secure  the  requisite  skilled  labor,  and  for  the 
worker,  because  she  has  small  opportunity  to  equip  herself  to  meet 
the  demands  of  the  trade. 

Since  neither  home  nor  shop  provides  the  girl  with  the  requisite 
elementary  principles  of  the  trade,  trade  schools  for  girls  have  been 
inaugurated  in  several  cities.1  The  young  girl  who  has  been  well 
grounded  in  the  elementary  principles  is  lifted  over  the  gap  between 
the  home  or  the  school  on  the  one  side  and  the  shop  on  the  other 

1  Boston,  Worcester,  Somerville,  Cambridge,  and  other  cities. 
29885°— Bull.  193—16 11  161 


162  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUBEAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

and  enters  as  a  sower.  It  is  increasingly  the  large  shop  into  which, 
the  young  worker  must  be  inducted,  since  the  small  and  medium- 
sized  shops  are  being  crushed  out  under  the  competition  of  the  whole- 
sale factory,  the  large  custom  shop,  and  the  dayworker,  but  the 
degree  of  evolution  varies  in  different  localities  and  must  be  studied  as 
a  local  problem.  Generally  speaking,  in  the  future  the  young  worker 
will  be  subjected  in  an  increasing  degree  to  tKe  conditions  of  the  large 
shop,  the  most  important  of  which  is  the  division  of  labor.  The  tend- 
ency of  the  shop  is  to  make  her  a  specialized  worker.  The  majority 
of  workers  will,  after  some  years'  experience,  need  some  new  impetus 
and  some  additional  help  in  acquiring  training  and  experience  in  the 
more  skilled  processes  which  will  enable  them  either  to  advance  to 
the  higher  positions  in  the  shop  or  to  go  out  by  the  day  as  general 
workers.  The  public-school  system  is  just  beginning  to  work  out  the 
method  of  providing  this  additional  aid  for  the  older  girl. 

Fourth — There  is  the  problem -of  the  girl  who  must  go  to  work  as 
soon  as  the  law  allows  and  the  unskilled  industries  with  wide-open 
doors  and  small  demand  for  ability  receive  the  majority.  A  few 
may  find  their  way  out  and  drift  into  something  offering  more  oppor- 
tunity for  development.  But  everything  is  against  them.  Two  or 
three  years  in  unskilled  monotonous  work,  probably  accompanied 
by  drifting  from  factory  to  factory,  does  not  afford  opportunity  nor 
leave  time  to  secure  training  for  something  better.  Nor  have  these 
workers  any  way  of  knowing  of  anything  which  is  better,  what  are 
the  demands  and  conditions  of  work,  or  how  or  where  to  equip  them- 
selves. Both  social  and  educational  agencies  are  necessary  to  pro- 
vide the  impetus,  information,  and  training  for  these  young  people 
handicapped  by  economic  necessity. 

The  dressmaking  trade  provides  better  working  conditions  and 
more  opportunities  for  advancement  than  are  found  in  most  of  the 
other  large  women-employing  industries,  for  the  trade  is  still  pri- 
marily monopolized  by  women,  so  that  the  young  workers  work  with 
women,  for  women,  and  do  not  have  to  face  the  competition  of  men. 
The  social  content  of  the  working  force  is  distinctly  above  the  indus- 
trial level,  including  a  larger  proportion  of  women  of  more  than  ordi- 
nary education.  Moreover,  the  work  itself  has  certain  advantages. 
The  worker  handles  pretty,  dainty  things,  gains  a  knowledge  of  what 
constitutes  g;ood  taste  in  dress,  acquires  an  ability  to  make  her  own 
clothes,  and  secures  in  her  trade  an  accomplishment  which  can  always 
be  put  to  remunerative  uses.  The  nine-hour  working  day  is  in  some 
shops  frequently  and  in  some  never  exceeded.  In  general,  the  large 
fashionable  shops  whose  orders  all  culminate  within  a  very  short 
period  and  demand  immediate  execution  are  the  greatest  offenders. 

While  the  wages  may  not  meet  the  standard  to  be  desired,  com- 
parison with  other  industries  shows  them  in  a  favorable  light.  Forty- 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       163 

nine  per  cent  of  the  custom  and  36  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers, 
16  years  of  age  and  over,  studied  on  pay  rolls,  received  $9  or  more; 
66.9  per  cent  of  the  custom  and  52.9  per  cent  of  the  factory  workers 
received  $8  or  more.  Few  industries  show  a  larger  proportion,  of 
women  in  these  wage  groups.  Moreover,  the  high  wage  available  to 
the  woman  with  artistic  sense  and  creative  ability  makes  custom 
dressmaking  unique  among  the  large  women-employing  industries. 

Two  factors,  however,  reduce  the  nominal  income,  short  absences 
and  seasonal  fluctuation.  Short -absences  cause  an  average  loss  of  10 
per  cent  of  the  nominal  income  of  custom  workers  and  14  per  cent  of 
that  of  women  in  factory  dressmaking.  Slack  season  still  further 
reduces  the  income.  The  loss  through  this  cause  can  not  possibly 
be  estimated  accurately  for  the  drifters  since  the  only  source  of  infor- 
mation— the  individual  workers'  memory — is  too  unreliable,  but  a 
suggestive  estimate  can  be  made  for  the  steady  workers  with  the 
probability  that  it  is  higner  than  that  of  the  less  regular  workers. 
But  23  per  cent  (125)  of  the  545  women,  16  years  and  over,  employed 
in  custom  shops  and  14.2  per  cent  (71)  of  the  500  employed  in  factory 
dressmaking  during  the  trade  year,  September,  1910,  to  September, 
1911,  worked  40  weeks  or  more  in  a  single  shop.  Of  the  125  custom 
workers  65.6  per  cent  and  of  the  71  factory  workers  71.8  percent 
earned  less  than  $450.  The  shrinkage  of  total  income  from  these 
causes  is  not  peculiar  to  the  dressmaking  trade. 

If  then  they  can  earn  a  higher  income  in  a  shorter  period  they  have 
opportunity  to  fill  in  if  necessary  with  other  occupations,  or,  -if  not 
necessary,  to  rest.  Since,  however,  a  large  proportion  of  the  steady 
workers  hi  the  dressmaking  trade  earn  less  than  the  estimated  living 
income  during  their  trade  year,  even  less  can  the  drifters  and  irregular 
workers,  so  a  large  part  of  those  earning  from  $7  to  $15  must  resort 
to  secondary  occupations.  While  the  woman  who  sews  has  a  trade 
which  she  can  utilize  outside  the  shop,  many,  because  of  immaturity, 
lack  of  skill,  or  desire  for  change,  resort  to  other  occupations  to  piece 
out  their  income. 

A  survey  of  the  trade  yields  suggestions  to  the  educator,  placement 
agencies,  parent,  and  prospective  worker,  to  those  interested  in  pro- 
moting indus trial  welfare,  and  to  the  customer. 

For  the  educator — 

1.  An  intimate  knowledge  of  and  acquaintance  with  the  shops 
and  methods  of  production,  and  demand  for  young  workers  in  the 
particular  neighborhood  is  essential  if  the  pupil  is  to  be  adequately 
trained  to  meet  the  demands.     A  knowledge  of  the  status  and  trend 
of  the  trade  in  the  locality  must  underlie  ,all  industrial  education. 

2.  A  system  of  preliminary  training  must  be  devised  for  the  14  to  16 
year  old  girl,  who  may  through  adequate  and  practical  training  be  put 
into  the  shop  as  a  sewer. 


164  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

3.  A  part-time  course  of  training  might  well  be  developed  for  the 
young  14  to  16  year  old  girls  who  must  go  to  work  as  soon  as  the  law 
allows,  but  who,  according  to  the  law  passed  in  Massachusetts  in  1913, 
must  attend  continuation  schools  as  soon  as  they  can  be  provided, 
thus  providing  opportunity  for  them  to  lift  themselves  out  of  their 
unskilled  employment. 

4.  A  systematic  advanced  course  in  the  skilled  processes  of  the 
trade  should  be  provided  in  technical  evening  classes  that  the  young 
worker  after  several  years'  experience  in  the  shop  may  equip  herself 
either  for  the  higher  shop  positions  or  for  independent  work. 

For  the  placement  agency  also — 

1.  An  intimate  knowledge  of  the  particular  dressmaking  shops  of 
the  neighborhood  is  essential,  that  the  adviser  may  know  the  requisite 
qualifications  of  the  workers  as  to  age,  degree  of  skill,  and  persona 
characteristics. 

2.  Equally  essential  is  a  knowledge  of  the  seasons  of  demand,  not 
only  in  the  different  types  of  dressmaking  shops,  but  in  all  other 
industries  of  the  neighborhood,  that  the  worker  may  be  directed  into 
other  employment  during  the  dull  season  of  her  particular  shop. 

3.  The  placement  agency  can  do  an  important  service  in  advising 
the  parent  and  prospective  young  worker  of  conditions  in  the  trade, 
difficulties  to  surmount,  time  necessary  to  secure  a  living  wage,  and 
demands  and  requisite  qualifications. 

4.  The  placement  agency  and  vocational  educators  should  be  in 
closest  touch,  the  experience  and  knowledge  acquired  by  each  being 
contributed  for  the  advantage  of  the  other.     Some  standard  test 
should  be  evolved  by  which  the  capacity  of  the  prospective  worker 
could  be  determined,  so  that  the  facts  of  the  case  may  be  set  clearly 
before  her  or  her  parent,  and  advice  given  as  to  whether  or  not  to 
continue  in  the  trade.     The  experience  and  knowledge  acquired  by 
placement  agents  in  their  contact  with  worker  and  employer  should 
react  on  the  curriculum  of  the  school  and  the  training  of  the  child, 
enabling  the  school  continually  to  readjust  the  curriculum  and  to 
direct  those  unfitted  or  incompetent  for  this  occupation  into  some- 
thing within  their  reach.     Many  misfits,  much  discouragement,  and 
much  loss  of  time  and  earnings  might  be  avoided.      Such  an  agency 
for  wise  direction  and  good  advice  is  one  of  the  crying  needs  of  the 
time. 

The  social  worker  has  a  great  opportunity  for  valuable  service  in 
cooperation  with  the  school  and  the  placement  agency.  Intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  families  of  a  particular  neighborhood  gives 
weight  to  her  suggestions  for  further  schooling  or  specialized  training; 
she  can  moreover  inspire  the  worker  to  look  forward  to  something 
better,  and  give  encouragement  to  further  preparation  or  improve- 
ment. This  personal  relation  between  social  worker  and  the  family 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       165 

and  child  has  been  utilized  to  great  advantage  in  the  juvenile  ad- 
visory committees  and  care  committees  associated  with  the  juvenile 
exchanges  recently  established  hi  England. 

The  customer  has  such  an  important  influence  in  determining  the 
working  conditions  hi  a  custom  trade  that  the  mere  knowledge  of  the 
far-reaching  effects  of  her  thoughtfulness  or  negligence  ought  to  be 
sufficient  to  better  conditions.  The  customer  can  do  much  toward 
steadying  and  lengthening  the  working  season  by  forethought  and 
cooperation  with  the  dressmaker.  Late  orders  and  demands  for 
completion  within  unreasonably  short  time  mean  overtime  work  for 
some  of  the  employees,  with  its  consequent  physical  strain,  a  late  and 
lonely  walk  home  after  dark,  and  an  excuse  for  young  workers 
being  on  the  streets  at  night.  Delay  and  negligence  in  paying  the 
bills  may  mean  not  only  great  inconvenience  to  the  employer  but 
delay  in  the  pay  of  her  girls,  with  the  resultant  evils  of  indebtedness 
and  disputes,  and  sometimes  loss  of  pay  due. 

Custom  dressmaking,  which  best  meets  the  approval  of  the  fastidious 
woman,  provides  better  working  conditions  on  the  whole  and  better 
opportunity  for  the  worker  than  the  factory  branch  of  the  trade,  and 
in  this  branch  the  customer  has  the  greatest  opportunity  and  influ- 
ence in  determining  conditions  under  which  the  employees  work. 

From  the  general  public  interested  in  industrial  welfare  should 
come  the  demand  for  reasonable  and  comprehensive  legislation  and 
its  adequate  enforcement.  One  of  the  first  requests  should  be  for 
simple  and  unqualified  limitation  of  hours  of  work.  The  exemption 
clause  allowing  overtime  "  where  the  employment  is  by  seasons " 
makes  enforcement  of  the  law  impossible  and  sanctions  and  legalizes 
overstrain  and  pressure  in  a  trade  already  characterized  by  these 
unfortunate  conditions. 

The  dressmaking  trade,  most  prone  and  liable  to  overtime  because 
of  the  absence  of  a  steadying  agency  between  demand  and  supply, 
should  be  especially  the  care  of  the  inspection  force.  Since  the  large 
shops  employ  about  three-fourths  the  workers  and  are  the  most 
liable  to  pressure  from  their  patrons,  the  problem  is  not  really  so 
difficult  as  might  seem  at  first  glance,  though  the  small  shop  should 
not  be  overlooked  on  this  account. 


LIST  OF  BOOKS,  RECORDS,  AND  PERIODICALS  DEALING  WITH  WOMEN 
IN  THE  CLOTHING  TRADE. 

UNITED  STATES. 

I.  Special  studies  in  the  clothing  trade. 

Eaton,  Isabel.  Receipts  and  Expenditures  of  Certain  Wage  Earners  in  the 
Garment  Trades.  (Publication  of  the  American  Statistical  Association, 
IV,  1894-95,  No.  30.)  (Low-skilled  branches  of  the  clothing  trade  in  New 
York  and  Chicago.) 

Henry  Phipps  Institute  Report.  Factors  Affecting  the  Health  of  Garment 
Makers.  (Philadelphia,  1915.) 

Pope,  Jesse.  The  Clothing  Industry  in  New  York.  (New  York,  1905.)  (Out- 
side ready-made  garments  for  men,  women,  and  children.) 

Willett,  Mabel  Hurd.  Employment  of  Women  in  the  Clothing  Trade. 
(Columbia  University  Studies,  1902.)  (Principally  men's  clothing  trade 
in  New  York.) 

II.  General  studies  on  women  in  industry. 

Abbott,  Edith.    Women  in  Industry.     (New  York,  1910.)     (Ch.  X.     Cursory 

survey  of  the  evolution  of  the  manufacture  of  ready-made  clothing.) 
Adams,  T.  S.,  and  Sunnier,   Helen.     Labor  Problems.     (New  York,  1907.) 

(Chs.  I  and  II.     Woman  and  child  labor.     III.     Sweating  system.) 
Bosrvrorth,  Louise  M.     The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers.     (Publication  of 

the  Department  of  Research.     Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union.) 

(Boston,  1911.) 
Butler,  Elizabeth.    Women  and  the  Trades.     (New  York,  1911.)    (Chapters 

on  "Needle  trades"  deal  with  men's  clothing,  gloves,  and  millinery.) 
Campbell,  Helen.    Women  Wage  Earners.     (Boston,  1893.) 
Goldmark,  Josephine.     Fatigue  and  Efficiency.     (New  York,  1912.) 
Kelley,    Mrs.    Florence.     Some    Ethical    Gains   through    Legislation.     (New 

York,  1905.)     (Chs.  Ill  and  VII.     References  to  conditions  in  the  clothing 

trade.) 
MacLean,  Annie  Marion.     Wage-earning  Women.     (New  York,  1910.)     (Chs. 

Ill,  IV,  and  V.     References  to  machine-made-clothing  trades.) 
Penny,  Virginia.    The  Employments  of  Women.     A  Cyclopedia  of  Woman's 

Work.     (Boston,  1863.) 

III.  Studies  from  the  vocational  standpoint. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Boston  and  Manhattan  Trade  Schools  for  Girls. 

Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy.  Finding  Employment  for  Children 
who  Leave  the  Grade  Schools  to  go  to  Work.  (Chicago,  1911.)  (Sections  on 
dressmaking.) 

Girls' Trade  Education  League  bulletins.  No.  5.  Dressmaking.  No.  6.  Mil- 
linery. No.  11.  Clothing.  Machine  Operating.  (Boston,  1911  and  1912). 

Marshall,  Florence  M.  Industrial  Training  for  Women.  Bulletin  No.  4  of 
National  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial  Education. 

Richards,  Charles  R.  Industrial  training.  A  report  on  conditions  in  New  York 
State  in  the  Twenty-sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  New  York  Bureau  of  Labor 
Statistics,  1908,  Pt.  I. 

167 


168  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR   STATISTICS. 

III.  Studies  from  the  vocational  standpoint — Concluded. 

Talbert,  Earnest  L.  Opportunities  in  School  and  Industry  for  Children  of  the 
Stockyards  District.  (University  of  Chicago,  1912.) 

United  States  Bureau  of  Education.  A  Trade  School  for  Girls:  A  Preliminary 
Investigation  in  a  Typical  Manufacturing  City,  Worcester,  Mass.  Bulletin 
No.  17,  1913. 

United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.  Conciliation,  Arbitration,  and  Sani- 
tation in  the  Dress  and  Waist  Industry  of  New  York  City.  Bulletin  No.  145, 
1914. 

-  Vocational  education  survey  of  Richmond,  Va.     Bulletin  No.  1G2,  1915. 

-  Vocational  education  survey  of  Minneapolis,  Minn.     Bulletin  No.  199, 
1916. 

IV.  Government  publications. 

1.  United  States  Government  reports. 

United  States  Census,  1860.    Manufactures,  Ixii.     Account  of  the  Cloth- 
ing Industry.     (Historical  development.) 
United   States   Census,    1900.    Manufactures,    Pt,    III,    pp.    261-302; 

General  discussion,  pp.  261-296;  Historical  and  descriptive — Men's 

clothing,  pp.  296-300;  Women's  clothing,  pp.  300-302. 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.     Wages  and  Regularity  of  Employment  in 

the  Dress  and  Waist  Industry  of  New  York  City.     Bulletin  No.  146, 

1914. 

-  Wages  and  Regularity  of  Employment  in  the  Cloak,  Suit,  and 

Skirt  Industry.     Bulletin  No.  147,  1914. 
— *  Regularity    of    Employment    in    the    Women's    Ready-to-wear 

Garment  Industry.     Bulletin  No.  183,  1916. 
• Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  WTage  Earners  in 

the  United    States.     II.   Men's    Ready-made    Clothing,   1911.     IX. 

History  of  Women  in  Industry  in  the  United  States,  1910,  Ch.  III. 
United  States  Public  Health  Service.     The  Health  of  Garment  Workers. 

Bulletin  No.  71,  1915. 

2.  State  government  reports. 

Massachusetts. 

Fifteenth  Annual  Report  of  the'  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor, 
1884.  Wright,  Carroll  D.  The  Working  Girls  of  Boston. 

Minimum  Wage  Commission.  Wages  of  Women  in  Women's  Cloth- 
ing Factories  in  Massachusetts.  Bulletin  No.  9,  1915. 

Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor,  1875.     (Em- 
ployment of  Women  at  Sewing  Machine  Labor.) 
New  York. 

New  York  Department  of  Labor.  Report  on  the  Growth  of  Industry 
in  New  York,  1902.  (The  clothing  industry  in  New  York,  p.  88.) 

Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  1885.  Pt.  I.  Working 
women;  their  trades,  wages,  homes,  and  social  conditions. 

Twentieth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  1902.  Wages  in 
the  clothing  trade,  pp.  1-28.  Earnings  in  home  industries,  pp. 
37-289.  (Men 'sand  women's  clothing  and  muslin  and  infants'  wear.) 

New  York  State  Factory  Investigating  Commission  Report.  Wages 
in  the  Millinery  Trade.  1914. 

V.  Recent  periodical  literature  (only  a  few  typical  articles  of  the  large  popular 

literature  on  the  clothing  trade  are  suggested). 

Barrows,  Alice  P.  Women  at  Work  in  Millinery  Shops  in  New  York  City. 
(Preliminary  report — The  training  of  millinery  workers.)  Proceedings  of 
Academy  of  Political  Science.  October,  1910. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       169 

V.  Recent  periodical  literature — Concluded. 

Clarke,  Sue  Aiuslee,  and  Wyatt,"  Edith.  Working  girls'  budgets.  McClure's 
Magazine,  October,  November,  1910.  ("Based  on  information  obtained 
through  an  investigation  conducted  by  the  National  Consumers'  League.") 
November.  The  shirt-waist  makers  and  their  strike. 

Goodman,  Pearl,  and  Ueland,  Elsa.  The  shirt-waist  trade.  Journal  of  Political 
Economy,  December,  1910,  Vol.  XVIII.  p.  816. 

Hutchinson,  Dr.  Woods.  The  hygienic  aspects  of  the  shirt-waist  strike.  Sur- 
vey, January  22,  1910.  Vol.  XXIII.  p.  541. 

Odencrantz,  Louise.  The  irregularity  of  employment  of  women  factory  work- 
ers. Survey,  Vol.  XX  [1909],  p.  196. 

Schwab,  Sidney  I.  Neurasthenia  among  garment  workers.  American  Labor 
Legislation  Review,  January,  1911,  Vol.  I,  No.  1,  p.  27. 

Shirt-waist  shops  after  the  strike.     Survey,  October  1,  1910.  Vol.  XXV,  p.  7. 

Sumner,  Mary  Brown.  Settlement  of  the  cloak-makers'  strike.  Survey,  Sep- 
tember 17, 1910,  Vol.  XXIV,  p.  847.  (Protocol  of  September,  1910,  in  full.) 

Van  Kleeck,  Mary.  Women  and  children  who  make  men's  clothes.  Survey, 
April  1,  1911,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  65. 

Van  Kleeck,  Mary,  and  Barrows,  Alice  P.  How  girls  learn  the  millinery  trade. 
Survey,  April  16,  1910,  Vol.  XXIV,  p.  105. 

VI.  Source  of  material  covered  in  Chapter  I  in  a  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  trade 

in  the  United  States. 
1.  Newspapers. 

Massachusetts — 
Boston. 

American  Apollo,  1792-1794. 

American  Herald,  December  8, 1781,  October  8, 1789. 

American  Traveler,  July  1,  1834,  June  30,  1835,  January  3- 

March  24,  1840. 
Boston  Chronicle,  1767-1770. 
Boston  Commercial  Gazette,  1796-1799. 
Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  1813. 
Boston  Exchange  Advertiser,  1785. 
Boston  Evening  Post.  1736-1742  (scattering  numbers  preserved 

in  Boston  Public  Library),  also  1743-1775. 
Boston  Gazette  or  Country  Journal,  1755-1757,  1766,  1773-1776, 

1797-1798. 
Boston  Gazette  or  Weekly  Journal,  July  23,  1722,  September 

25,  1744,  also  July  16  and  August  20,  1745. 
Boston  Globe,  1910  and  1911. 
Boston  Mirror,  1808-1810. 
Boston  News  Letter,  1719-1764. 
Boston  Weekly  Post  Boy,  1742,  1746-1754. 

Bunker  Hill  Aurora  and  Boston  Mirror,  January  17,  1829,  Feb- 
ruary 27,  1858,  1864,  1865. 

Continental  Journal  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  1779-1781. 
Evening  Gazette,  1827, 1828. 
Essex  Journal  and  Merrimac  Packet  and  The  Massachusetts  and 

New  Hampshire  General  Advertiser,  April  27,  1774. 
Independent  Advertiser,  March,  1748- August,  1749. 
Independent  Chronicle,  1769-1792,  1800-1802, 1805, 1806. 
Massachusetts  Centinel,  1785. 
Massachusetts  Gazette  and  Boston  Weekly  News  Letter,  1713- 

1776  (except  for  missing  numbers,  in  Boston  Public  Library). 


170  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

VI.  Source  of  material  covered  in  Chapter  I  in  a  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  trade 
in  the  United  States — Continued. 
1.  Newspapers — Concluded. 

Massachusetts — Concluded . 
Boston — Concluded. 

Massachusetts  Gazette  and  Boston  Post  Boy  and  Advertiser, 

1754,  1757-1775,  May  23,  1768-September  21,  1769. 
New  England  Courant,  February  4,  1723. 
New  England  Weekly  Journal,  1728-1734. 

Weekly  Rehearsal,  June  26,  1732,  February  5,  1733,  and  Feb- 
ruary 28,  1734. 

Essex.— Essex  Gazette,  1770. 
Greenfield.— Greenfield  Gazette,  October  11,  1792. 
Hampden. — Hampden  Federalist,  November  16,  1815. 
Norfolk.— Norfolk  Repository,  1805-1808. 

Northampton. — Hampshire    Gazette,    October    3,    1787;  May    21, 
August  6,  27,  September  3,  10,  1788;  May  13,  October  14,  Decem- 
ber 30,  1789;  November  24,  July  7,  28,  1790;  November,  1815, 
1818,  1823,  1828-1830. 
Salem. — Salem  Gazette  and  Newbury  and  Marblehead  Advertiser, 

1774  (6  numbers),  1781-1785,  1790  (1  number),  1795. 
Springfield.— Hampshire  Federalist,  1808-1810. 
Worcester. — National  Aegis,  December  2,  1801. 

Monthly.— The  Lady's  Magazine,  conducted  by  Mrs.  Sarah  J. 

Hale,  1827,  Boston. 
Connecticut — 
Hartford. 

American  Mercury,  1784,  1785,  1788,  1789,  1791-1795,  1813. 
Connecticut  Courant,  1764,  1776-1781,  1782,  1785,  1788-1792, 

1793,  1794,  1795,  1796-1809. 
New  Haven. — New  Haven  Gazette    and   Connecticut  Magazine, 

1786,  1787  (1  number  each),  1788  (a  few  numbers). 
Norwich. — Norwich  Packet.  1776,  1784,  1785,  1798  (incomplete  set). 
New  Hampshire. — New  Hampshire  Patriot,  1809-1811. 
Rhode  Island.— Newport  Mercury,  June  23,  1761;  April  26,  1773;  August 

7,  September  25,  1775. 
Maryland. — Maryland  Journal  and  Baltimore  Adventurer,  1779,  1787, 

1789-1792. 
New  York. — New  York  Gazette,    or  Weekly    Post  Boy,     1740-1751, 

1753,  1754,  1756-1759,  1765,  1766  (incomplete  files). 
Pennsylvania — 
Philadelphia. 

American  Weekly  Mercury,  December,  1719- January,  1723. 
Federal  Gazette  and  Philadelphia  Daily  Advertiser,  1791-1793 

(broken  files  from  Library  of  Congress). 
Freeman's    Journal,     or    the  North   American    Intelligencer, 

1781,  1782  (scattering  numbers). 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  1734-1838  (broken    files    in    Library    of 

Congress). 
Pennsylvania  Journal  and  the  Weekly  Advertiser    1752-1792 

(scattering  numbers). 
Philadelphia  Mercantile  Advertiser,  1809, 1810. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       171 

VI.  Source  of  material  covered  in  Chapter  I  in  a  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  trade 
in  the  United  States — Continued. 
2.  Books,  records,  and  documents. 

American  State  Papers,  Finance.     Washington.  1789-1828. 

Bliss,  William  R.    Colonial  Times  on  Blizzard's  Bay.     Boston,  1900. 

Carey,  Matthew.     (Letter  to  the  editor  of  the  New  York  Daily  Sentinel 

on  remuneration  of  female  labor.)    Philadelphia,  1830. 

Female  Wages  and  Female  Oppression.     Philadelphia,  1830. 

Miscellaneous  Essays.     Philadelphia,  1830. 

Connecticut,  Public  records  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut.     Hartford, 

1852. 
Coxe,  Tench.     A  View  of  the  United  States  of  America   (1787-1794). 

Philadelphia,  1794. 

Documentary  History  of  American  Industrial  Society,  I  and  II.    1910. 
Documents  Relative  to  the  Manufactures  in  the  United  States.     H.  Doc. 

308.  22d  Cong.  1st  sess..  Parts  1,  2.     1831, 1832. 
Fernow,    B.    (editor).    The  records  of   Xew  Amsterdam   (1653-1674). 

New  York,  1897. 
Fithian,  Philip   Yickers.    Journal   and    letters,  1764-1774.     Princeton 

Historical  Association,  Princeton,  1900. 

Goodwin,  Maud  W.     Historic  New  York.     Half  Moon  Papers.     1899. 
Grant,  Mrs.  Anne.     Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady,  with  Sketches  of 

Manners  and  Scenery  in  America  as  they  Existed  Previous  to  the 

Revolution.     Xew  York,  1809. 

Hammond,  John.      Leah  and  Rachel.     London,  1656. 
Harrower,  John.     Diary  of.     Virginia.,  1773-1776  (American   Historical 

Review,  VI). 

Hull,  John.     Diary  of  Public  Occurrences.    Transactions  and  collec- 
tions of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  III.     Worcester. 
Industry  and  Frugality  Proposed  as  the  Surest  Means  to  Make  us  a  Rich 

and  Flourishing  People.     Boston,  1753. 
Johnston,    James,    F.    W.     Notes    on    North    America,    Agricultural, 

Economic,  and  Social.     Edinburgh  and  London,  1857. 
Kemble,  Frances  Anne.    Journal  of  a  Residence  on  a  Georgian  Planta- 
tion.    1838-1839.     New  York,  1863. 
Larcom,  Lucy.    A  New  England  Girlhood.     Boston,  1889. 

—  Life,  Letters,  and  Diary  (Addison,  Daniel  D.,  editor).     Boston, 

1895. 

Marshall,  Christopher.     Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  (1774-1781,  Duane, 
.    William,  editor).     Albany,  1877. 

Martineau,  Harriet.    Society  in  America  (1834-1836).     London,  1837. 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company  Records.     (1628-1641.)    Cambridge,  1850. 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  publications.     1798-1835. 
Now  York  Historical  Society  Collections.    1885. 
Olmstead,  Frederick  Law.    A  Journey  in  the  Seaboard  Slave  States,  in 

the  Years  1853,  1854.     New  York,  London,  1904. 
Pryor,  Mrs.  Roger  A.     Reminiscences  of  Peace  and  War.     New  York, 

1905. 
Russell,    William    Howard.'    My   Diary,    North    and   South.    Boston, 

1863. 
Smyth,  J.  F.  D.     A  Tour  in  the  United  States  of  America.     London, 

1784. 
Thomas,  Gabriel.    An  Account  of  Pennsylvania  and  West  New  Jersey. 

(Reprinted  from  the  original  edition  of  1690.)    Cleveland,  1903. 


172  BULLETIN   OF   THE  BUEEAU   OF   LABOR   STATISTICS. 

VI.  Source  of  material  covered  in  Chapter  I  in  a  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  trade 
in  the  United  States — Concluded. 
2.  Books,  records,  and  documents — Concluded. 

Trollope,  Mrs.     Domestic  Manners  of  the  Americans.     Fourth  edition. 

London,  New  York,  1832. 
Tuckerman,  Joseph.    Essay  on  the  Wages  Paid  to  Females  for  their 

Labor.    Philadelphia,  1830. 

Wansey,  Henry.    Journal  of  an  Excursion  to  the  United  States.     Salis- 
bury and  London, 1798. 
Ward,  Nathaniel.    A  Simple  Cobbler  of  Aggawam  in  America.    London 

1647. 
Winthrop's  Journal,    "History  of  New    England,"    1630-1649.     New 

York,  1908. 
Working  Women's  Protective  Union,  Annual  reports  of.     New  York, 

1864  et  seq. 
Not  Contemporary. 

Bishop,  John  L.     History  of  American  Manufactures  from  1608  to  1860. 

Philadelphia  and  London,  1866. 

Bowne,  Mrs.  E.  C.    A  Girl's  Life  Eighty  Years  Ago.     New  York,  1888. 
Earle,   Alice  Morse.     Two   Centuries  of   Costume   in   America.     New 

York,  1903. 

Colonial  Dames  and  Good  wives.     Boston,  1895. 

Temple,  J.  H.,  and  Sheldon,  G.     History  of  Northfield.     Albany,  1875. 
Weeden,  W.  B.     Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England,  1G20- 

1789.     Boston  and  New  York,  1890. 

EUROPE. 
Great  Britain. 

I.  Government  publications. 

Home  Department.     Annual  Reports  of  the  Chief  Inspector  of  Factories  and 

Workshops. 
Board  of  Trade,  Labor  Department.     Collet,  Clara  E.    Report  on  the  Statistics 

of  the  Employment  of  Women  and  Girls.     London,  1894. 
British  Sessional  Papers.     Factory  and  Workshop  Commission. 
Royal  Commission  on  Labor — 

The  Employment  of  Women.     Reports  by  Miss  Eliza  Orme,  Miss  Clara 

Collet,  Miss  May  Abraham,  and  Miss  Margaret  Irwin.     1893  and  1894. 
Oakeshott,  Mrs.  G.  M.     Women's  Trades.     Report  of  the  Education  Com- 
mittee of  the  London  County  Council.     1908. 
Reports  of  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science. 

II.  Women's  Industrial  Council  publications. 

Clothing  and  Textile  Trades.     Summary  tables  by  L.  W.  Papworth  and  D.  M. 

Zimmern.     London,  1912. 
Home  Industries  of  Women  in  London.     1908. 

MacDonald,  M.  E.     Working  Women  in  Stuttgart.     September,  1900. 
Report  of  the  National  Conference  on  the  Unemployment  of  Women  Dependent 

on  their  Own  Earnings.     December,  1907. 
Seasons  Trades  Conferences.     March,  1901. 
Trade  School  for  Girls,  January,  1911. 
Treub-Cornaz,  Mme.     Women  and  the  clothing  industry  in  New  Amsterdam. 

Women's  Industrial  News,  September  and  December,  1901. 

III.  Published  reports  of  investigations. 

Cadbury,  E.,  Matheson,  M.  C.,  and  Shann,  G.     Women's  Work  and  Wages. 

(Chicago,  edited  1907.) 
Meyer,  Mrs.  Carl,  and  Black,  Clemintina.     Makers  of  our  Clothes:   A  Case  for 

Trade  Boards.     London,  1909. 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEN  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.       173 

III.  Published  reports  of  investigations — Concluded. 

Adler,  N.,  and  Tawney,  R.  H.    Uoy  and  Girl  Labor.    London,  1909. 

Webb,  Sydney  and  Beatrice.    The  Prevention  of  Destitution.    London,  1911. 

Seasonal  Trades.     London,  1912. 

Scotland. 

Irwin,   Margaret.     Home-  Work  amongst  Women.     II.  Minor  Miscellaneous 

Trades.     Report  of  an  Inquiry  Conducted  for  the  Glasgow  Council  for  Women 's 

Trades.  Glasgow,  1900. 
The  Problem  of  Home  Work,  with  a  preface  by  Professor  George  Adam 

Smith.  Glasgow,  1907. 
Women's  "Work  in  Tailoring  and  Dressmaking.  Glasgow,  1900.  Report 

of  an  Inquiry  Conducted  for  the  Scottish  Council  for  Women 's  Trades. 

IV.  Publications  relative  to  vocational  guidance  (Great  Britain). 

Fingerpost,  The.  A  Guide  to  the  Professions  and  Occupations  of  Educated 
Women.  Third  edition.  London,  1909. 

Occupations  for  Girls  in  Glasgow.  Published  by  the  Scottish  Council  for 
Women's  Trades.  Women's  Industrial  News.  December,  1905. 

Trades  for  London  Girls  and  How  to  Enter  Them.  Compiled  by  the  Appren- 
ticeship and  Skilled  Employment  Association.  London  and  New  York,  1909. 

France. 

I.  Government  publications. 

Office  du  Travail.    Enquete  sur  le  travail  a  domicile  dans  1  Industrie  de  la 

lingerie.     Paris,  1907-1909. 

—  Les  associations  professionnelles  ouvrieres.    Paris,  1899-1904. 
Legard,  M.  (Inspecteur  Divisionnaire  de  la  106  circonscription  a  Marseille). 

Reports  by  District  Inspectors  (of  France)  upon  the  Question  of  Nightwork. 

Paris,  1900.     Investigation  into  Dressmaking  Establishments  in  Marseille. 
Office  du  Travail.     La  Petite  Industrie.    Vol.  II.  Le  Vetement  a  Paris.     1896. 

II.  Reports  of  International  Bodies. 

Bauer,  E.  Le  travail  de  nuit  des  femmes  dans  Tindustrie.  Rapports  publics 
au  nom  de  1'Association  Internationale  pour  la  protection  legale  des  travail- 
leurs.  1903. 

Storch,  Le*on.  Rapport  du  Jury  international  de  TExposition  universelle  in- 
temationale  de  1900  a  Paris.  Paris,  1902. 

III.  Special  treatises. 

Aftalion,  Albert.  Le  deVeloppement  de  la  fabrique  et  le  travail  a  domicile 
dans  les  industries  de  1'habillement  (1906);  also  published  in  Revue 
d'economie  politique,  October,  November,  December,  1905.  Vols.  XIX,  XX. 

Benoist,  Charles.     Les  ouvrieres  de  1'aiguille  a  Paris.     Paris,  1895. 

Debect.  L'habillement-femme  en  France  au  point  de  vue  industriel  et 
commercial.  1908. 

Doublet,  Camille.  La  protection  legale  des  travailleurs  de  1'industrie  du 
vetement.  Paris,  1899. 

du  Lac,  Stanislaus.     Le  fil  et  1'aiguille.     Paris. 

Seilhac,  L6on  de.     L'industrie  de  la  couture  et  de  la  confection  a  Paris.     Paris. 

Worth,  Gaston.     La  couture  et  la  confection  des  vetements  de  femme.     1895. 

IV.  Periodical  literature. 

Revue  d'economie  politique — 

Alfassa,  Georges.     Le  travail  de  nuit  des  femmes,  au  Congres  de  Cologne, 

1903.    Vol.  XVII,  p.  637.     (Discussion  of  seasonal  trades  in  general.) 
Schweidland,  Eugen.     Comment  il  est  possible  d'organiser  les  ouvrieres 

en  chambre.     1902.     Vol.  XVI,  p.  659. 
Reforme  sociale — 

Aine.     Les  patronnes,  employees  et  ouvrieres  de  Fhabillement  a  Paris; 
leur  situation  morale  et  materielle,  Vol.  V,  p.  61.    January  1,  1898. 


174  BULLETIN    OF    THE   BUREAU    OF    LABOR    STATISTICS. 

IV.  Periodical  literature — Concluded. 
Reforme  sociale — Concluded. 

Hayem,  Julien.     L' Industrie  de  la  lingerie  dans  le  centre  de  la  France. 

November  1,  1909.     Vol.  58,  p.  529. 
Revue  politique  et  parlementaire — 

Milhaud,  Caroline.     Enquete  sur  le  travail  a  domicile  dans  la  lingerie.    30 

aout  1908.     Vol.  57,  p.  366. 
Historical — 

Lespinasse,  Rene  de.     Histoire  general  e  de   Paris.     Les  metiers  et  cor- 
porations de  la  ville  de  Paris.    Vol.  III.     XIV-XVIII  siecle  tissus, 
etoffes,  vetements,  etc. 
Leroy-Beaulieu,  Paul.     Le  travail  des  femmes  au  XIXe  siecle.     Paris, 

1873. 

Levasseur,  Pierre  E.     Histoire  des  classes  ouvrieres  en  France  depuis  la 
conquete  de  Jules  Cesar  jusqu'a  la  Revolution.     Paris,  1859. 

Histoire  dea  classes  ouvrieres  et  de  I'industrie  en  France  avant  1789. 

Paris,  1900-1. 

General  works  giving  some  attention  to  sewing  trades — 
Gonnard,  R.     La  femme  dans  l'industrie.     Paris,  1906. 
Haussonville,  Comte  de.     Salaires  et  niiseres  des  femmes.     Fourth  edition. 

Paris,  1900. 
Jay,  Marthe.     Le  travail  de  nuit  des  femmes  dans  l'industrie  francaise. 

1908. 

Poisson,  Charles.     Le  salaire  des  femmes.     Saumur,  1906. 
Simon,  Jules  F.     L'ouvriere.     Parisr  1861. 
Weyl,  Claude.     La  reglementation  du  travail  des  femmes  dans  l'industrie. 

(Loi  du  2  novembre  1892.)     Paris,  1898. 
Popular  treatises — 

Dagan,  Henri.     La  femme  ouvriere.     1902. 
Milhaud,  Caroline.     L'ouvriere  en  France.     Paris,  1907. 
Annales  des  Sciences  Politiques — 

Alfassa,  Georges.     La  crise de  I'apprentissage  (July,  1905).    Vol.  XX,  p.  421. 

Allix,  Edgard.     L'industrie  a  domicile  salariee  (1904).     Vol.  XIX,  p.  469. 

Economiste  franyaise — 

Leroy-Beaulieu,  Paul.     L'outillage  et  Pavenir  de  la  petite  Industrie .     4 

mars  1905. 
Payen,  editor.     Reglamentation  du  travail.     (La   Restriction,  1910.  les 

Venice's.)     26  Fevriere,  1910. 
Revue  de  Paris — 

Alfassa,  Georges.     Le  travail  dc  nuit  des  femmes.     (15  septembre  1904.) 
Vol.  V,  p.  367. 

Germany. 

I.  Schriften  des  Vereins  fiir  Sozialpolitik. 

Benda,  Luise  von.      Die  Entwicklung  der  Berliner  Damenmasschneiderei. 

Vol.  85,  pp.  53-69.     (1899.) 
Dyhrenfurth,  Gertrud.     Die  weibliche  Heimarbeit.     Jahrbuch  fiir  National- 

okonomie  und  Statistik.     3d  series,  Vol.  29,  January,  1905.     Also  conducted 

an  investigation  in  1902  on  the  needleworkers  in  "Konfektion"  in  Berlin. 
Heiss,  Cl.,  und  A.  Koppel.     Heimarbeit  und  Hausindustrie  in  Deutschland, 

ihre  Lohn  und  Arbeitsverhaltnisse.     1906. 
Jaffe,  E.     Hausindustrie  und  Heiraart>eit  in   Deutschland  und  Oesterreich. 

Vol.  86.     (1899.) 
Lipszyc,  Marie  A.     Die  Betriebsformen   der  Berliner  Damenmasschneiderei. 

Vol.  85,  pp.  71-87.     (1899.) 


DRESSMAKING  AS  A  TRADE  FOR  WOMEX  IX  MASSACHUSETTS.       175 

I.  Schriften  des  Yereins  fiir  Sozialpolitik— Concluded. 

Mayer,   Gustav.     Konfektion  *md  Schneidergewerbe  in  Prenzlau.     Vol.  65, 

pp.  119-144.     (1895.) 
Weber,  Alfred.     Die  Entwicklungsgrundlagen  der  grossstadtischen  Frauenhaus- 

industrie.     Vol.85.     (1899.) 

II.  Treatises. 

Bauer,   Professor  Dr.   Stephan.     Die    gcwerbliche    Nachtarbeit  der  Frauen. 

Jena,  1903. 
Held,  Jean.     La  reglamentation  de  la  joiirnee  de  travail  des  femmes  dans 

1'industrie  allemande.     Paris,  1907. 

Belgium. 

Government  publications. 

Office  du  Travail.     Les  industries  a  domicile  en  Belgique.     7  vols.     Brussels, 
1899-1905. 


INDEX. 


Page. 

Adrift,  and  living  at  home,  proportion  of  workers  classified  as 79 

Age: 

At  beginning  work 71 

At  time  of  entering  the  trade 156 

Wages,  classified  weekly,  and 136,137 

B. 

Boston  and  Worcester: 

Specialization  stage,  shops  of,  maximum  weekly  wages  of  waist,  skirt,  and  sleeve  drapers  in 40 

Specialization  stage,  shops  of,  size  of  working  force  in 38 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville,  and  Worcester: 

Commercialized  shops,  number  and  per  cent  of 31 

Custom  dressmaking,  extent  of 27 

Dressmakers,  types  of 28 

Dressmaking  shops,  number  and  type  of,  by  length  of  working  year 92 

Private  dressmakers,  number  and  per  cent  of 31 

Private  dressmakers,  size  of  working  force 32 

Specialization  stage,  shops  of,  number  and  per  cent  of 31 

Transition  stage,  shops  of,  maximum  weekly  wages  of  skirt  and  waist  drapers  in 36 

Transition  stage,  shops  of,  number  and  per  cent  of 31 

Transition  stage,  shops  of,  size  of  working  force 35 

Boston,  custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops  in: 

Children,  women,  and  men,  number  employed 128 

Children,  women,  and  men,  wages  of 129 

Fall  and  spring  seasons,  dates  of  opening  and  closing 100 

Midwinter  lay  off,  number  of  weeks  of 102 

Midwinter  slack  season,  relation  tounemplovment 102 

Piecework,  classified  weekly  wages  of  women  on 130 

Stability  of  labor  force 99 

Workers  employed  in,  average  number 87, 89 

Business  administration  in  the  trade '. 53, 54 

C. 

Capital,  problem  of,  in  the  trade 54-64 

Casual  laoor,  extent  of,  in  custom  and  factory  dressmaking 106 

Children,  women,  and  men  in: 

Custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops,  classified  weekly  wages  paid,  Boston 129 

Custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops,  number  employed  and  wages  paid,  United  States 23, 127 

Custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops,  number  employed,  Boston 128 

Custom  shops  dressmaking,  average  number  employed,  by  months,  United  States,  1900 93 

Commercial  dressmaker,  the 42-49 

Commercialized  shops: 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville,  and  Worcester,  number  and  per  cent  of 31 

Occupations  and  wages  (1  shop) 44,45 

Wages  paid  in,  by  size  of  force 45 

Working  year,  length  of 91, 92 

Competition,  problem  of,  hi  the  trade 61-64 

Custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops: 

Children,  women,  and  men,  number,  wages,  etc.,  of,  in 127-129 

Employment  in,  classified  number  of  weeks  of 98 

Labor  force,  stability  of,  for  1  year,  Boston 99 

Large  and  small  shops,  wages  of  women  in 132 

Midwinter  lay  off,  number  of  weeks  of,  Boston 102 

Midwinter  slack  season,  relation  to  unemployment,  Boston 102 

Occupations  and  wages 67, 134-136 

Spring  and  fall  seasons,  dates  of  opening  and  closing,  Boston 100 

Wages  of  workers  employed  25  or  more  weeks  in  1  shop 140 

Wages,  reduction  of,  caused  bv  short  absences 141 

Women  working  40  weeks  and  over,  classified  annual  earnings  of 142 

Workers  employed  in,  average  number,  bv  months,  Boston 87 

Workers  employed  in,  number  of,  by  weeks,  Boston 89 

Working  year  of  employees  in,  Boston 95 

Custom  shops: 

Absences,  short,  proportion  of  weeks  not  broken  by 140 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville,  and  Worcester,  number,  etc 27, 28 

Occupations  and  wages  of  nucleus  force  in 67 

Vacation,  summer,  proportion  of  workers  who  return  after 105 

Wages,  classified  weekly,  by  occupation 134 

Workers  employed  in,  average  number  of,  Boston,  1910,  and  United  States,  1900 85 

Workers  employed  in,  number  of ,  in  different  years,  by  weeks 96,97 

29885°— Bull.  193—16 12  177 


178  INDEX. 

D. 

Page. 

Dressmaking,  evolution  of  the  trade,  United  States 11-21 

Commercialized  system 11, 13 

Custom  system 11,13,20 

Family  system 11, 12 

Help  or  hire  system 11-13 

Manufacturing  system 11, 17 

Ready-made  and  ready-to-wear  garments,  development  of 18, 19 

Dressmaking  trade  of  to-day 23-52 

Commercial  dressmaker 42-49 

Family  dressmaker 29 

Journeyman  dressmaker 29, 30 

Manufacturing  dressmaker 49-52 

Private  dressmaker 31-33 

Specialized  workers,  dressmaker  of  the  shop  of 37-42 

Transition  stage,  dressmaker  of 33-37 

E. 

Earnings  and  wages  in  Boston 127-146 

Earnings.    (See  also  Wages.) 

Employees.    (See  Workers  in  the  dressmaking  trade.) 

Employments,  secondary,  reported  by  workers 144 

Experience  or  number  of  years  in  the  trade,  workers  classified  by 110 

Experience,  relation  of,  to  weekly  wages 138 

F. 

Factory  product,  women's  clothing,  development  of  the  trade,  United  States,  1 890-1900  and  1899-1909 .  23, 24 

Fall  and  spring  seasons,  dates  of  opening  aiid  closing,  Boston 100 

Family  dressmaker,  the 29 

Family  income,  contributions  to,  extent  of  by  workers  living  at  home 78 

I. 

Income.    (See  Family  income;  Earnings;  Wages.) 

Industrial  conditions  in  the  trade 53-81 

Business  administration 53, 54 

Capital,  problem  of 54-61 

Competition,  problem  of 61-64 

Labor  force 64-81 

Unions,  attitude  of  workers  toward 79-81 

Irregularity  of  employment 83-111 

Weeks  of  6  days  each,  proportion  of,  worked 1 39 

Weeks  not  broken  by  short  absences,  proportion  of 140 

J. 

Journeyman  dressmaker,  the 29,30 

L. 

Labor  force 64-81 

Labor  force,  instability  of 106-111 

Lay  off,  midwinter,  number  of  weeks  of,  Boston 102 

List  of  books,  records,  and  periodicals  dealing  with  women  in  the  clothing  trade 167-175 

Living  conditions  of  200  workers  visited 77 

Lowell.    (See  Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville  and  Worcester.) 

M. 

Manufacturing  shops  and  custom  shops: 

Children,  women,  and  men,  number,  wages,  etc.,  of,  in 127-129 

Employment  in,  classified  number  of  weeks  of 98 

Labor  force,  stability  of,  for  1  year,  Boston 99 

Large  and  small  shops,  wages  of  women  in 132 

Midwinter  lay  off,  number  of  weeks  of,  Boston 102 

Midwinter  slack  season,  relation  to  unemployment,  Boston 102 

Occupation  and  wages 67, 134-136 

Spring  and  fall  seasons,  dates  of  opening  and  closing,  Boston 100 

Wages  of  workers  employed  25  or  more  weeks  in  1  shop 140 

Wages,  reduction  of,  caused  by  short  absences 141 

Women  working  40  weeks  and  over,  classified  annual  earnings  of 142 

Workers  employed  in,  average  number,  by  months,  Boston 87 


Workers  employed  in,  number  of,  by  weeks,  Boston. 
Working  year  of  employees  in,  Bos' 


^ ^  ,  Boston 

Manufacturing  shops,  classified  weekly  wages  and  occupations  in 135, 136 

Married  women,  proportion  of,  in  custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops 78 

N. 
Nationality,  a  factor  in  advancement 75 


INDEX.  179 

Occupations  and  wages:  Page. 

Commercialized  shops 44, 45 

Custom  shops 67, 134 

Manufacturing  shops 135, 136 

Specialization  stage,  shops  of 38,39 

Transition  stage,  shops  of 34, 35 

Workers  employed  39  or  more  weeks  in  1  shop 139 

Occupations.    (See  also  Secondary  employments. ) 

Overtime 113-126 

Causes  of,  primary - 

Hours  of,  in  a  large  shop,  two  consecutive  years 119, 120 

Hours  of,  in  a  largeshop,  1909-10  and  1910-11  (Chart  C) 121 

Hours  of,  hi  1  shop,  hi  a  week  of  maximum  overtime,  1909 118 

Pay  for,  rate  of 123 

P. 

Piecework,  wages  of  women  on,  Boston 130 

Positions,  methods  of  securing 65 

Positions,  reasons  given  for  leaving 107 

Previous  employment  of  women 72 

Private  dressmaker,  the 31-33 

Private  dressmakers,  shops  of,  number  of,  and  size  of  working  force,  hi  5  cities 31, 32 

Private  dressmakers,  shops  of,  length  of  working  year 91, 92 

R. 

Ready-made  and  ready-to-wear  garments,  development  of 18-20 

S. 

Schooling  of  200  workers  hi  the  dressmaking  trade 74 

Scope  of  present  study 8,9 

Season,  the  workers' 93-106 

Seasons  hi  the  trade 83-93 

Slack  season,  midwinter,  relation  to  unemployment,  Boston 102 

Somerville.    (See  Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville.  and  Worcester.) 
Specialization  stage,  shops  of: 

Boston  and  Worcester,  size  of  working  force  in 38 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  Somerville,  and  Worcester,  number  in 31 

Occupations  and  wages 38, 39 

Working  year  in 91, 92 

Wages  of  waist,  skirt,  and  sleeve  drapers,  Boston  and  Worcester ". 40 

Specialized  workers,  the  dressmaker  of  the  shop  of 37-42 

Spring  and  fall  seasons,  dates  of  opening  and  closing,  Boston 100 

T. 

Teaching  the  trade 147-159 

Transition  stage,  shops  of: 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Lowell,  aomer ville,  and  Worcester,  numl)er  hi \ 31 

Occupations  and  wages 34, 35 

Wage?,  maximum  weekly,  of  skirt  and  waist  drapers,  Boston  and  smaller  cities 36 

Working  force,  size  of,  in  5  cities 35 

Working  year,  length  of 91, 92 

Transition  stage,  the  dressmaker  of  the 33-37 

U. 

Unions,  attitude  toward,  of  women  workers 79 

V. 

Vacation,  midsummer,  proportion  of  workers  returning  in  the  fall  after 105 

W. 

Aetna!  average  and  nominal,  of  workers  employed  25  weeks  or  more  in  1  shop 140 

Annual,  of  women  working  40  weeks  and  over 142, 143 

Children,  men,  and  women  in  custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops 127, 129 

Class  of  $7,  *8,  and  $9  per  week,  time  required  to  reach 157 

Earnings  and,  hi  Boston 127-146 

Experience,  rela^n  of  wages  to 138 

Occupations  and,  hi  commercialized  shops 44, 45 

Occupations  and,  in  custom  shores 67, 134 

Occupations  and,  in  manufacturing  shops 135, 136 

Occupations  and,  hi  shops  of  specialization  stage 38-40 

Occupations  and,  hi  shops  of  transition  stage 34-36 

Occupations,  etc..  and,  of  workers  employed  39  or  more  weeks  in  1  shop 139 

Paid  and  owed  a  $10  draper  in  a  specified  shop 60, 61 

Piecework,  of  women  on,  Boston 130 

Reduction,  percentage  of,  caused  by  short  absences 141 

Women  in  large  and  small  shops 132 

Workers  earning  less  than  18  per  week,  proportion  of,  hi  large  and  small  shops 133 


180 


INDEX. 


Workers  in  the  dressmaking  trade:  Page. 

Adrift  and  living  at  home,  proportion  of,  classified  as 79 

Age,  and  classified  weekly  wages 136, 137 

Age  at  beginning  work 71 

Age  at  time  of  entering  the  trade 156 

Custom  shops,  fluctuation  of  working  force,  by  months  (Charts  A  and  B) 86, 87 

Employment,  number  of  weeks  of,  custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops 98, 100 

Experience  or  number  of  years  in  the  trade  of,  and  number  of  shops  employed  in 110 

Experience,  relation  of,  to  weekly  wages 138 

Factory  workers  classified;  weekly  wages  of,, by  occupations — 135, 136 

78 

.  102 
77 
78 

118-120 
121 


Family  income,  contributions  to,  extent  of,  by  workers  living  at  home 

Lay  off,  midwinter,  number  of  weeks  of,  Boston 

Living  conditions  of  200  yisited 

Married  women,  proportion  of,  in  custom  shops  and  manufacturing  shops 

Overtime,  hours  of 

Overtime  in  a  large  shop,  specified  years  (Chart  C) 

Pieceworkers,  classified  weekly  wages  of,  in  2  manufacturing  shops,  Boston 130 

Positions,  methods  of  securing 65 

Positions,  reasons  given  for  leaving 107 

Previous  employment  of  women  in 72 

Schooling  of  200  workers 74 

Seasons,  spring  and  fall,  dates  of  opening  and  closing,  Boston 100 

Secondary  employments 144 

Unions,  attitude  toward 79 

Vacation,  midsummer,  proportion  of  workers  returning  in  the  fall  after 105 

Working  season,  in  different  years 98 

Working  year,  number  of  weeks  in 95 


O  . 


VITA 

The  author  was  born  in  Macon,  Illinois,  on  August  6,  1880. 
She  graduated  from  the  Decatur  (111.)  High  School  in  1897, 
attended  the  Illinois  State  Normal  School  in  1898,  and  taught 
in  Oak  Park  from  1899-1903.  In  the  fall  of  1903  she  entered 
the  University  of  Illinois,  receiving  the  degree  of  A.  B.  in  1906, 
A.  M.  in  1907,  and  holding  a  graduate  fellowship  in  history 
during  the  year  1907-8.  During  the  year  1908—9,  she  attended 
Columbia  University,  holding  the  Curtis  Scholarship  in  History. 
In  the  fall  of  1909  she  entered  the  Department  of  Research  of 
the  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union,  Boston,  on  a 
fellowship.  During  1910-11,  she  was  Assistant  Director  and 
during  1911-12  Associate  Director  of  the  Department.  The 
year  1912-13  was  spent  in  Europe  and  the  two  following  years, 
1913—191S*  as  Associate  Director  in  the  Department  of 
Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union,  Boston, 
Mass.  During  the  first  year  she  was  also  Instructor  in  Eco- 
nomics at  Simmons  College.  The  year  191  5-16  was  spent  in 
graduate  study  at  Columbia  University,  completing  the  require- 
ments in  the  Department  of  Social  Economy  for  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Philosophy.  During  this  year  she  attended  the  sem- 
inar in  Social  Economy  and  Social  Legislation  under  Professors 
Devine  and  Lindsay,  making  an  intensive  study  into  the  health 
of  women  workers.  During  residence  at  Columbia  she  worked 
under  Professors  Lindsay,  Devine,  Seager,  Simkovftch,  Chad- 
dock,  Osgood,  Shepherd,  Robinson, Giddings,  and  Hollingworth. 

As  a  fellow  in  the  Department  of  Research,  the  study  of 
Women  in  the  Dressmaking  Trade  in  Massachusetts  was  under- 
taken in  connection  with  the  efforts  of  Boston  educators  to 
better  understand  and  meet  the  problems  of  industrial  educa- 
tion. During  the  three  years  as  Associate  Director  of  the 
Department,  four  similar  investigations  were  conducted.  A 
preliminary  survey  of  Worcester,  Cambridge  and  Somerville 


VITA 

was  made  for  the  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Education. 
The  Worcester,study  was  published  in  1913  as  Bulletin  Number 
17  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  under  the  title  of 
A  Trade  School  for  Girls  :  A  Preliminary  Investigation  in  a 
Typical  Manufacturing  City,  Worcester,  Mass.  The  Public 
Schools  and  Women  in  Office  Service  was  published  in  1914  by 
the  Boston  School  Committee.  The  Boot  and  Shoe  Industry  in 
Massachusetts  as  a  Vocation  for  Women  was  published  in  1915 
by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  as  Bulletin 
Number  180.  The  final  study,  Industrial  Efficiency  of  Girls 
Trained  in  Massachusetts  Trade  Schools  was  made  for  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  to  be  published  as  a 
Bulletin  of  the  Bureau. 


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OCT  251937 


BY 


JUL 


1  1  1982 


CIS 


4 


JAN  5     1959 


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i  £  i£SE§!jYLiBRARIES 


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